Natsume Soseki’s essay on Alexander Pope in Bungaku Hyoron has elements of divergence and split. Soseki criticizes Pope’s poetry for its lack of affect and its enthusiasm with romanticism. Contrary to the criticism, Soseki shows some understanding by finding shared qualities with previous Japanese writings to Shaseibun (short composition by realistic style).

　This kind of divergence/split is found not only in Soseki’s essay on Alexander Pope but also in Soseki’s early works such as Kusamakura and Gubijinso. Furthermore, this split-oriented perspective was shared with an audience that embraced literature.

　In order to explain the divergence in his evaluation between contents and rhetoric, it is necessary to become familiar with the genre labeled Bun (short literary composition) that flourished during the Meiji Period. The ideal Bun in Japanese modern literature had short sentences, orderly rhetoric, and suitability for reading aloud. Bun retained the elements of classical rhetoric and rhythm used before the modern period without restraint. It also had an association with the world of classical culture during and even after the Meiji Period.

　Soseki tried to create a new literature that took an active advantage of the characteristics of Bun. For example, Kusamakura has a hint of his desire to realize a non-Western style novel. What supports Soseki’s challenge was his own rhetoric and writing style derived from characteristic features and profound history of Japanese, namely tone and rhythm, an association with classical culture and other such related features. Doing so was also a challenge to overcoming the view of literature developed from the perspective of social evolutionism. The perspective was found in the development of literature from classicism to romanticism and then to naturalism. Soseki wanted to follow the linguistic sensibility he had in his bones.

　Vita Sexualis, written by Mori Ogai and published in 1909, was banned because of its description concerning the sex life of the writer himself. Zhou Zuo-ren, a Chinese student who was living in Tokyo at that time, showed great interest in it. In 1928, after he became a prominent writer in China, Zhou translated part of this work into Chinese.

　This paper analyzes the common threads of thought concerning sexuality between the two modern East-Asian writers. Basically both of them were influenced deeply by sexology. Sexology is the “science” of human sexual behavior and defines the human being as “sexual being”. Based on the principles of sexology, people should explore and reflect on their sex life if they want to know the “truth” of their inner world. Mori stated that he wrote about his own sex life for two purposes: the first purpose being to know and identify himself—normal or abnormal, the other reason being for the education of his son. Zhou also believed sex to be an essential element in everybody’s life, and could not be ignored. Zhou thought sex education for children necessary, but was seriously troubled by its difficulty at the same time, just as Mori was. Finally, while they absorbed the knowledge of sexology from western science, both Zhou and Mori attempted to discover an ideal way of how to control sexual desire so as to have a well-balanced life in accordance with traditions of Asian culture.

　Kitamura Tōkoku (1868-1894), as is well known, adapted Manfred in his Hōrai kyoku [Mt Hōrai: A Play] (1891.5). There have been, however, few studies that tried to prove the influence of Manfred upon Tōkoku’s critical essays. The purpose of this study is to examine the meaning of the reception of Manfred in Tōkoku’s essay ‘Shinki-myōhen wo ronzu’ [An Essay on the Changing Mind] (1892.9); an essay in which Tōkoku can be said to have revealed how he himself became a Christian.

　This essay of Tōkoku’s discussed how Mongaku, a Buddhist of the medieval period, changed his mind. Tōkoku adapted some images from Manfred and used them to represent Mongaku's changing mind. Firstly, Tōkoku absorbed from Manfred the image of the internal conflict between ‘deity’ and ‘dust’ and developed it into a necessary condition of the changing mind. Secondly, Tōkoku applied almost directly the image of Manfred to Mongaku before he had changed his mind. Thirdly, Tōkoku intentionally presented the image of Mongaku after changing his mind as an inverse image of Manfred, in which Tōkoku probably implied the image of the repenting Christian.

　These results lead us to the conclusion that in this religious essay of Tōkoku’s, he intended to describe the drastic change from Byronism to anti-Byronism as another instance of the changing mind, as represented by Manfred’s conversion or Mongaku’s repentance. We can say that Tōkoku’s reception of Manfred in this essay would indicate his love-hate relationship with Byronism.

　In the 1920s, many works of Japanese literature, along with the knowledge of Japanese literary movements, were introduced into China by writers who had studied in Japan. Among these movements was Naturalism, which was introduced into China in the early 1920s. This paper examines the characteristics and significance of Naturalism in modern Chinese literature by analyzing the influence of Japanese Naturalism on Chinese literature.

　In 1920 Mao Dun—who played a leading role in the Chinese Naturalism movement in 1922—insisted that Chinese literature should promote Neo-Romanticism because the latter is the ideal of contemporary European literature. However, later on, in 1921, he shifted his focus to Naturalism. On examining the magazines for which Mao Dun worked, we come across a number of articles on Japanese Naturalism that were written by critics who had studied in Japan. We also find Japanese essays translated into Chinese, which regarded Naturalism as a great divide in modern literary history. From this, it is possible to determine that several Chinese naturalists, including Mao Dun, were influenced by Japanese Naturalism.

　Chinese Naturalism does not appear to be as active a movement as Japanese Naturalism. However, the process by which literature was being defined and established will be elucidated on an examination of the rise and fall of the movement of Naturalism.

　This paper examines the reception of Japanese nursery songs in the Korean children's literature magazine Orini (1923-1934),with a focus on its relationship to Akai tori, an important Japanese magazine in Japan's children’s songs movement.

　At the time Orini started to carry the actual contemporary nursery songs in Korean, it began to carry either translated or “adapted” Japanese children’s songs. Based on this fact, it is clear that the Korean nursery song movement was influenced by the Japanese children’s nursery song movement. Comparing the “adapted” Korean songs which appeared in Orini against the Japanese songs, on one hand the “adapted” songs express the ordinary people’s harmonized natural emotions and emphasize the sadness coming from loss. On the other hand, the Japanese nursery songs express exoticism and urbanized tastes which stimulate children’s imaginations.

　Previous research in this area has tended to read the Korean children’s songs in Orini as sentimental. However, this paper argues that they should be understood as having an educational purpose. Orini’s Korean songs convey the sadness which is deeply related to the reality of ordinary people’s lives. This has significance for child readers to gain strength in the face of sadness through understanding their oppressed reality and training their consciousness of unity. This was understood as “Enlightenment” in Korea.

　The tendency to focus on the realism of Orini’s“adapted” songs restricts children’s imaginations which are based on actual reality. This cultural background frames the tendency to value “reality” over “imagination.”

　De la fin des années 60 aux années 80, le 《nouveau roman-photo》 a évolué sous l’influence des auteurs postmodernes qui ont exploré les possibilités de représentation offertes par le texte et la photographie. Parmi eux, Hervé Guibert mérite une attention particulière pour la richesse de sa production en plus de son roman-photo car il est aussi écrivain, photographe, scénariste et critique de photographie, et il pose également pour un photographe.

　Lors de l’étude du genre qu’est le roman-photo, nous ne devons pas oublier le photojournalisme. Le 《 photo-essai 》 a été inventé et développé par Life, le magazine illustré américain. Ces deux genres avaient un point commun : l’usage du texte pour une histoire et de la photo pour la réalité. Cependant, le 《 photo-essai 》 effectue un reportage du réel tandis que le 《 roman-photo 》 raconte une histoire fictive.

　Dans le seul roman-photo de Guibert, Suzanne et Louise, on peut noter une influence de Duane Michals (auteur de romans-photos à la même époque) et une objection au photojournalisme. On peut aussi y trouver une forme narrative postmoderne qui évoque la lecture plurielle permise par un texte et la remise en question de l’intelligibilité du monde. Ce qui est important dans cette œuvre est qu’elle reflète tous ces courants d’idées dans leur grande diversité.

　This paper attempts a critical analysis of satyagraha, which is generally known as “non-violent resistance” led by Mahatma Gandhi. Gandhi was not only a great leader in the independence movement of India, but is regarded as a Saint even in today’s world. On the other hand, it is true that he has met much criticism from his days to the present.

　V.S. Naipaul is one of these critics of Gandhi. It is not enough, however, to consider his criticism simply as directed at Gandhi the man. When we read carefully his two works, India: A Wounded Civilization (1977) and Half a Life (2001), it becomes clear that what Naipaul criticizes is not Gandhi himself, but “Gandhism” which has penetrated the Indian society. This paper employs the concept of the “structure of feeling” propounded by Raymond Williams, and tries to identify what characterizes Gandhism in terms of its “structure of feeling”.

　A close analysis of Gandhi’s discourse about satyagraha reveals that one of its principles is control of feelings, especially of “anger” and “hate” Referring to remarks on human feelings by two other postcolonial intellectuals, Edward Said and Franz Fanon, this paper demonstrates that satyagraha has a negative effect to obstruct self-fulfillment of the colonized. It also suggests, in conclusion, that its dogma of control of feelings has even a secret similarity to the principle of control society in the present-day world.

　The aim of this study is to analyze the impact that cinematic representative techniques had on Edogawa Rampo’s novels. Hitherto, critics tended to recognize the link between Rampo’s no\els and cinema merely because many of Rampo’s works were made into films. However, there has been little focused discourse on what specific effects cinema had on Rampo’s novels and how cinematic expression integrated into his literary style.

　I begin by describing the process in which cinema developed into an independent art form in the 1920s by conducting an investigation of a number of cinema houses that were newly established during this period. Through an analysis of articles written by literati in Japan during the 1920s I also show how rapid development in cinema influenced contemporary literary circles. Just as many writers were influenced by cinema, Rampo was also strongly drawn to cinema even before he became a writer; this study also reviews Rampo’s unpublished paper which reveals his unique inclination toward cinema that is an important clue to the effective interpretation of his novels.

　In order to support my argument, I proceed to reinterpret Rampo’s short novel, “Canal on Mars” by investigating the specific influences of cinematic expression that are evident in this short novel. Specifically, I show how “Canal on Mars” integrates the technique of the silent film into its text. I also prove how Rampo attempted to create cinematic expressions into his literary text by using the style of “prose poem.” For instance, Rampo effectively used metaphors in order to express physical “forms” which translated the cinema’s visual expressions into vivid literary representations.

　In the 1920s, when cinema emerged as a new art form in Japan, literary scholars began to recognize this new type of media as a source from which to experiment and develop new forms of literary expressions. Thus, adopting cinematic expressions into linguistic works became a characteristic phenomenon during this period. In conclusion, I argue that not only does the link between Rampo’s novels and films need to be studied further in order to nurture a more profound understanding of Rampo’s novels but by doing so it also provides an alternative method for examining the artistic interaction between literature and cinema in the 1920s.