本稿で取りあげられているハンティ、マンシは西シベリアのオピ川中下流域に居住する民族で、その註語はウラル語族のウゴール語派に分類される。そのために両者はオピ・ウゴールとも呼ばれ、同じ語派に含まれるマジャール（ハンガリー）語と区別される。居住地域によっておおまかに北ハンティ、マンシと東ハンティが区別されている。前者はオピ川下流域のハンティ、その支流ソシヴァ川とリャピナ川流域のマンシを指し、後者はオビ川の東側地域に分布するハンティである。伝統的には漁労と狩猟を主な生業としてきたこの二つの民族はその依拠する川の名によってローカルグループが識別されてきた。本稿でもソ連・ロシアの学会における慣例により原文にしたがって、川名を冠してイルティッシュ・ハンティ、リャピン・マンシ、北ソシヴァ・マンシ、カズイム・ハンティ、アガン・ハンティ、ユガン・ハンティとする。（地図参照）

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This is a report of my pilot anthropological study on the ethnographic data collected by Professor Kazuyuki Tanimoto, a former director of the Hokkaido Museum of Northern Peoples. He made audio recording of several traditional songs performed by Yup’ik/Cupi’k, which is the self-designation of peoples who had long lived in southwestern Alaska, in 1979. These songs are sung when the performance of yuraq, a Yup’ik/Cupi’k way of dancing. The purpose of this project is to create a pathway of access to this data, not only for scholars, but also for a Yup’ik/Cupi’k, who have cultural, historical, and emotional ties to the ethnographic materials. In this report, I summarize the features of his audio recordings, explain their content and reconstruct the socio-political context which he conducted his study in rural Alaska. I suggest that one of the significances of this ethnographic data is providing the possibility for us to look into Yup’ik/Cupi’k experiences during the era of rapid socio-economical changes triggered by the land claim settlement in 1971. The report also describes what Yup’ik/Cupi0’k think about the materials. All of the people whom I asked to listen to the recordings were very pleased. Unfortunately there was nobody who remembered Professor Tanimoto’s visit since most of his informants had passed away, and his collaborators could not be indentified. However, his recordings did have an impact on them in one way or another. Some made a decision to learn the songs again and to revive them. Others wanted to find out if“our song” had been included in his recordings. Moreover this preliminary research shows that Yup’ik/Cupi’k way of “owning” culture should be studied in detail in order to create the appropriate pathway to their “Cultural Heritage”.

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In this paper the oral literature (folklore texts) of Tungusic languages will be analysed mainly on the basis of the author’s field materials. The following problems will be considered: § 2) the variety of stories (folktales, l egends, and myths, § 3) the characters in the stories, § 4) the rhetoric,§ 5) the similarities between Tungusic folktales and neighbors’(Ainu andJapanese).

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A lot of documents of Dr. HATTORI Takeshi (1909-1991) who was a linguist of the Nivkh language, were contributed to the Hokkaido Museum of Northern Peoples. This paper shows the documents between Dr. HATTORI and the office for indigenous peoples to invite Nivkh informants from Sakhalin to the town of Sapporo in Japan where he lived in 1941-42. We can know from these documents that the informants were dispatched by the officer for indigenous peoples of the branch office Shisuka (now Poronaisk in Sakhalin} of Karafuto Government (one of the Japanese colonial government and ended in 1945). These documents are very significant to know the policy for indigenous peoples of Karafuto Government in Sakhalin and the relation between researcher, government and indigenous peoples.

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Introduction of fishery technology, labor and fishing materials from Japan to the fishery of Far Eastern Russia was intensified after the establishment of the Soviet system. The Soviet aimed to develop the fishing industry of Russian Far East as the food productivity division of the socialist economy through new state enterprises and also selected private fishing enterprises. As Russian fishing companies had their branches in Hakodate, the Soviet set up a branch office of the Soviet Trade Representative in Japan and state enterprises in Hakodate. These Soviet enterprises would introduce Japanese fishing materials and labor through their branches in Hakodate. Then the Soviet began to Russianize the Far East fishery by replacing the Japanese with domestic labor. The year of 1932 was the last case of Japanese employment by the Soviet fishing companies. However, the Russianization of the fishery was only for labor and did not cover fishing materials. I have presented various cases of contact between the Japanese and indigenous people of Kamchatka and also various examples of Japanese influence to the Russian / Soviet fishery in Kamchatka. In this paper I would like examine what the Soviet fishery of Far East was going to be, and how the situation of fishery in Kamchatka was after August 1945, when the Soviet joined the war on Japan, based on historical materials and the interview with a Japanese left behind in Kamchatka.

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のるりすと2010 -北方研究データベース-の掲載情報について 2010年1月1日から2010年12月31日までの間に発行された、北方地域に関する単行本、論文、研究報告、翻訳、一般雑誌記事、新聞記事など印刷物になったもの、インターネットに掲載されたものを著編者自身が記入したデータ票をもとに掲載している。また、これまでの補遺にあたるものも掲載している。 凡例 •著編者名の50音順、発行年月日順に次の項目を掲載している。 •著編者名、ローマ字著編者名、発行年月日、共著編者名、「論文名」、編集者名、『書 名』、巻号数、発行所：発行地、該当頁 ・数字は書名に使われる場合も含めてアラビア数字に統一している。 •原則として著編者、共著者の所属は2010年12月現在のものである。 編集にあたりまして、問い合わせに快く回答くださいました研究者のみなさまに心から 感謝申し上げます。

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An historical monument was found in Abashiri, northeastern Hokkaido. The monument curved with the letter “Tensokuten ” has turned out the astronomical survey marker placed by Hokkaido prefectural survey office in 1889. Land survey in Hokkaido by trigonometrical method was carried out from 1873 conducted by a few U.S. surveyors, however triangulation network based on the geodetic datum origin in Tokyo has not expanded to Hokkaido until early 1900’s. Therefore Hokkaido prefectural survey office set up the geodetic coordinate independently on astronomical observation. One of the characteristics is that this marker has leveling survey cut-benchmark introduced from Great Britain by Japanese Ministry of Interior early 1870’s which shows remarkable case in Hokkaido. The authors would expect this marker to be conserved as the historical monument of the survey in Hokkaido.

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Hokkaido Museum of Northern Peoples stores many items of the objects from the southern group of the Uilta. This work is aimed to provide the Uilta vocabulary and the cultural information about these items. In this work, we gave an interview to one of the speakers of the Uilta northern dialect, in which we showed some photos of the above-mentioned items and asked how to call them in her own dialect. Then, we compared her answers to the lexical descriptions in literature. In this paper, the results of the interview and the related lexical descriptions are reported in the form of a list for reference. Throughout this work, it is expected to observe not only the dialectal differences between north and south, but also some ethnographical idea of the Uilta.

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Even’s reindeer herding methods and techniques are investigated in Sakha Republic, Russia. Daily herding is conducted as follows: in the morning reindeer which roam freely in the night are collected together at camp-site by a herdsperson. In the day time reindeer are kept around the camp-site. Whenever they are going to leave it, a herdsperson will follow them and put them back. At dusk reindeer are tolerated to move freely and put to the woods behind the camp-site. This form of reindeer herding seems to be simple and easy. However some characteristic techniques are used to herd reindeer smoothly. Generally reindeer like to ingest salt. Near the camp-site the salt is put on the stand, so that reindeer can ingest it freely. The setting of the salt-stand lures reindeer and helps to keep them around the camp-site. Use of bells is another technique. About 5-10% of individuals of the herd are worn collars with bell. Herdspersons are always attending the tinkle of the bells, and monitoring movement of the herd. This technique might utilize cohesive behavior of reindeer. There are another techniques for herding, such as use of herd dogs, lassos and reindeer-riding. In the future I would like to study these techniques for herding, and intend to understand Even's reindeer herding systematically.

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