This paper is based on the research on ethnological concerns for indigenous people of Kamchatka since 1997 (Table 1). The author realized the great significance of further research because of the commonness between the information on the modem Koryak subsistence-culture from my initial infom1ant with the great ethnographies by Stepan P. Krasheninnikov (Krasheninnikov 1972) and Waldemar Jochelson Gochelson 1975). The ethnological issues such as cultural characteristics, historical change, culture contacts, political and economic influence are also common indigenous incidents noted in my previous papers.
Furthermore, another problem generated among the indigenous society under the Soviet regime. After the establishment of the regime, indigenous people were forced to join the socialist economy system and to relocate from traditional settlements to new villages. They were damaged mentally by the multi-relocations associated with the reorganization of settlements. They also had contact with Russians, furriers and other merchants since the conquest by the Cossack troops. Then they experienced new contacts with the Japanese after the salmon fishery was opened to the Japanese. Salmons of Kamchatka that grew up to a global resource in place of fur skin attracted the Japanese fishery in the late 19th century. Indigenous people and the Japanese who came to Kamchatka seasonally in great numbers for salmon fishery had various contacts with each other.
After the perestroika, almost all of the indigenous people lost their jobs in the socialist economy organizations and were forced to rely on their former subsistence to some extent. At the same time, Kamchatka which was closed to foreigners opened up. Recently ethno・tourism is increasing in Kamchatka where tourists can experience the indigenous culture through an traditional settlement rebuilt as an “ indigenous settlement ”. In this paper I would like to summarize the main points for understanding the indigenous society of Kamchatka such as traditional subsistence and its transition, reindeer-herding, relations between indigenous society and the state system like politics and economy.
Lassos have been generally used among reindeer herders who belong to various ethnic groups, from Scandinavia to East Siberia, to catch domestic reindeer. An ordinary lasso is made of a cord with a noose formed by means of a toggle on one end. In this article, function, making process and structure of reindeer lasso is examined from field observation, research in collection of Hokkaido Museum of Northern Peoples and literatures.
From my field observation in Sakha Republic, in eastern Siberia, lassos are used in order to catch reindeer for draft, milking, veterinary treatment, slaughter and so on. To make lasso, tanned reindeer skin is cut in about 1 cm wide to make strap, and 4 straps are plaited together to make a cord. Then a toggle made from horn of Siberian bighorn is attached at one end of the cord.
Inspection of 6 lassos possessed in Hokkaido Museum of Northern Peoples reveals that length of them is from 908 to 3623 cm long. Cords of them are made of seal skin, plaited reindeer skin and vegetable fibers, and toggles are made from reindeer antlers, horns of Siberian bighorn and metal. According to the literatures a lasso is usually composed of seal skin or plaited reindeer skin cord and a toggle made of reindeer antler or horn of Siberian bighorn.
These findings indicate that the lasso is a unique tool to catch reindeer alive, and in general its cord is made of seal or reindeer skin, and a toggle is from reindeer antler or horn of Siberian bighorn. The bearded seal skin is thought to be the best material for lasso cord. For inland herders, it is difficult to get seal skin, however they can obtain it through trade with the coastal sea hunters. On the other hand reindeer skin is common material for herders. Because reindeer skin is thin and weak, herders seem to plait straps of it to make strong cord.
Uilta (formerly called Orok), one of the Tungusic languages, is spoken in northeastern part of Sakhalin Island. This language is divided into 2 dialects: Northern Dialect, which was traditionally spoken in village Val and its surrounding areas, and Southern Dialect, which was spoken in Poronaisk (formerly called Shisuka) and its surrounding areas. At the present time, the Uilta speak usually in Russian, and it seems that there remain less than 10 people who are able to speak their traditional language.
This report aims to present 50 short sentences translated from Russian into Uilta Northern Dialect by 2 speakers: Ms. Irina Fedjaeva and Ms. Elena Bibikova. In this report Ms. Fedjaeva's translations are marked with (a), and Ms. Bibikova's with (b). The author collected these sentences as linguistic materials during 2010 - 2013 on Sakhalin. Every sentence is represented in phonemic transcription with the underlying form, English-based grammatical gloss, and Russian original sentences with its Japanese translation.
Nikolai Alexandrovich Nevskii is well known genius linguist for his decipherment of Tangut among the world. Moreover his works widely ranges linguistic and folklore of Ainu, Ryukyu, Taiwan and so on. In the Archives of Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg, lots of valuable unlisted materials collected and studied by N. A. Nevskii are possessed. “ Archive, Stock number 69, List number 1 and 2 ” are equivalent to them. Among them “ Archive, List number 2 ” is the collected materials of Ainu and Ryukyu (Miyako) during his stay in Japan. This paper shows his works in general under this lists especially Ainu folklore and their research materials.
In addition to this annotator explains the details of publication of the list made by A. Vovin, who is the author of this paper and supplements the biographical introduction of the original collector and researcher, N. A. Nevskii as well as A. Vovin's ones.
In sites of the Okhotsk culture, bone, tooth and antler pierced disks were
excavated. Some archaeologists used these disks for research on the transition of patterns from the Okhotsk culture to the Ainu culture. And they thought these disks were ornaments of belts referring to ornaments of belts for use by the Kuril Ainu women.
Now, a compilation of these disks has advanced. We need to reexamination of these disks from the perspective of patterns, techniques for making materials, and so on.
This paper takes up 7 disks excavated in the Kawanishi site of the Okhotsk culture, Yubetsu, Hokkaido. And I also introduce a whale tooth cut in half excavated in the same site. This material is an important archaeological fact indicating a process of making whale tooth goods.
As a result, it is turned out that pierced disks excavated in the Kawanishi site were made of whale ribs, whale teeth, Hokkaido deer antlers and these disks were standardized.