印度學佛教學研究

『選択集』の構造について

偏依善導一師

林田康順

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 1-11,1183
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/03/09

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.1

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This study considers the construction of Senchaku hongan nembutsu shu (選択本願念仏集) from two viewpoints. The first view point is an approach from ordinary sinful people and the other is an approach from Three Buddhas (三仏) (namely, Amida Buddha, Sakyamuni Buddha and the many Buddhas of the six directions). We learn the true meaning of why Honen (法然) emphasized that we must rely solely on Shandao (善導) as our master.

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天台維摩疏における実相把握と修道観

木村周誠

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 12-17,1183
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/07/01

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.12

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Tiantai Zhiyi thought that the inconceivable liberation which is attained in the ‘Perfect Teaching’ (圓教) is not realized by the severance of delusions, but the penetration into the ‘Principle’ (理). That ‘Principle’ is the ‘true aspect’ (實相). It is not only the ‘substance’ (體) of the Vimalakirti-nirdesa, but also the ‘substance’ of all Mahayana Sutra. All sentient beings are in the inevitable consequences of the ‘threefold path of cyclic samsara’ (惑業苦三道), because they naturally lose the ‘Principle’. However, liberation is realized by understanding this ‘Principle’. So the ‘Principle’ is the originating factor of the ‘threefold path of cyclic samsara’, and at the same time it is the originating factor of liberation. Thus, the severance of delusions is the severance of the ‘true aspect’, and liberation in the ‘Perfect Teaching’ is realized by penetration into the ‘threefold path of cyclic samsara’

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解説と解釈-三大部理解の前提として-

瀧英寛

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 18-23,1183
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/07/01

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.18

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The Three Major Commentaries are Sui-period commentarial works on Kumarajiva's translation of the Lotus Sutra. To define their characteristics, it is necessary to understand the underlying thoughts in commentaries of the period in general.
Commentaries of the period conform to the critical classification, which systematizes a mass of translated scriptures. Therefore, commentaries are made, in line with the already-determined overall picture. This means that commentarial activity as a whole is “interpretation”. Because all scriptures are Buddha's teaching, however, their interpretation is limited and eventually directed only to Buddha or Nirvana.
On the other hand, the lectures of scriptures played a role in the production of commentaries and the development of the critical classification. It is regarded as “elucidation” among possession, recitation, elucidation and transcription in scripture worship. Since the Lotus Sutra attaches importance on these practices, they are emphasized in the Three Major Commentaries. What is behind them is worship and understanding that the teaching in a scripture itself is the truth.
These two aspects are found in the Three Major Commentaries. It is, therefore, necessary to take both of them into consideration when texts are examined.

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天台本覚思想の論理構造

花野充道

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 24-31,1184
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/07/01

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.24

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The idea of original enlightenment as expounded in the Awakening of Faith in the Mahayana (Dacheng qixinlun) differs in logic from the thought of Original Enlightenment that spread in Japan's Middle ages. The fundamental principle of the Awakening of Faith in the Mahayana is the principle of the Matrix of the Tathagata. On the contrary, the fundamental principle of the Tiantai idea of the Original Enlightenment is based on Nagarjuna's idea of non-substantiality.
In the Tiantai idea of original enlightenment from the Four Teachings-Tripitaka, Connecting, Specific, and Perfect Teachings-one is expounded the concept of the “four-fold rise and fall” which comprises the pre-Lotus Sutra, Theoretical Teaching of the Lotus Sutra, the Essential Teaching of the Lotus Sutra, and the Observation of the Mind. The purpose of this concept is to reveal the absolute theory of complete fusion of the truth and perfect equality of the Law based on the idea of non-substantiality. According to this concept, the pre-Lotus Sutra teachings are those of discrimination. The purpose of the Theoretical Teaching of the Lotus Sutra is to reveal theoretical absolute equality. The purpose of the Essential Teaching of the Lotus Sutra is to teach true absolute equality. The purpose of the teaching in the Lotus Sutra's Observation of the Mind is to reveal that the self-manifestation of absolute equality transcends the comparison of different natures.

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「長寿〓是証体之用」解釈の変遷

布施義高

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 32-37,1185
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/03/09

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.32

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The expression “Zhangshouzhi shi zhengti zhi yong 長寿祇是証体之用” can be found in volume one of Chanjan's Commentary on the Fahua xuanyi. It indicates that the eternal life span of the original Buddha, revealed in chapter 16 of the Lotus Sutra, “The Life Span of the Tathagata was a benefit of having of touched perfect awakening. Chanjan interpreted Perfect Enlightenment as “zhufa shixiang 諸法実相 (The True State of All Elements)” prea-ched in Shakumon Sections of the Lotus Sutra.
In Japanese Medieval Tendai, the strange tendency to interpret Enlightenment as Innate Buddha-Nature (Original Enlightenment) appeared.
On the other hand, according to Nichiren, Enlightenment was understood as the Fundamental Truths of the Hommon Sections of the Lotus Stura. However, in the history of subsequent Nichiren religious group, the term was interpreted variously.

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『開幃試問四十二章』から見た宋初天台の問題意識

林鳴宇

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 38-42,1185
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/03/09

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.38

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‘Kaiwei shiwen sishierzhang’ 開幃試問四十二章 in the Siming zunzhe jiao xing lu (四明尊者教行録 Record of the Venerable Siming's Teachings and Practices) is composed of 42 questions on Tiantai Doctrine, and is a test which Siming Zhili 四明知礼 (960-1028) assigned to his disciples.
In this paper I tried to analyze the contents of this text in compassion with ‘Kaii shimon shijunisyoto’ 開幃試問四十二章答 written by Koken 光謙 (1652-1739). I will examine this text to understand the fundamental thought of Tiantai Buddhism in the Early Song. Thus the mutual relations of this text and ‘Jiangwei wenda sanshizhang’ 緯幃問答三十章, ‘Jiaomen zawenda qizhang’ 教門雑問答七章, ‘Sizhong sidi wenda’ 四種四諦問答 are confirmed too.

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荊渓湛然の啓蒙師「方巌和尚」-六祖慧能の門下「東陽玄策」と関連づけて-

池麗梅

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 43-47,1186
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/07/01

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.43

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According to an inscription entitled “Xiao-shibei (The small stone monument),” it is said that in the sixteenth year of the Kaiyuan era, Jingxi Zhanran came to Zhedong (the east part of Zhejiang) area to look for a Buddhist master. Three years later, before he eventually began to apprentice himself to Zuoxi Xuanlang, Zhanran met his enlightenment instructor from whom he had received instruction on Tiantai doctrines as well as some texts of Zhiguan (The cessation-and-contemplation).
Due to the limited information on Fangyan Heshang, scholars only assumed that Fangyan was likely to be a disciple of Xuanlang. Not until 1999 did scholars, such as Xu Wenming of China and Kocho AKITA of Japan, begin to realize that Fangyan could be Fangyan Xuance, one of the disciples of Huineng―the sixth patriarch of the Southern Chan sect. Based on the assumption mentioned by the two scholars, this paper attempts first to outline the figure of Xuance, and then to review the possibility of identifying Fangyan Heshang with Xuance.

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智〓の経典解釈の姿勢

柏倉明裕

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 48-51,1186
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/03/09

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.48

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A grave concern of mine is what to consider as the unique characteristic of Tiantai Doctrine. The Doctrine does not imply the teaching of Tiantai alone. To understand the true concept of Tiantai Doctrine, one will have to search for Zhiyi's mind, and live within that mind. This is because Zhiyi lived according to his teaching and expressed his teaching through his lifestyle. Unless we too live within our teachings and express it through how we live, we will not be able to realize the Doctrine of Tiantai. It is my conviction that Tiantai Doctrine is a way of Buddhism that requires proving through the path we walk in life.

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知礼の〓〓六即説に関する一考察

張成林

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 52-55,1187
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/03/09

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.52

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Siming Zhili (四明知礼) maintained that the six stages of non-duality practices (六即 Liuji) established in the Tiantai (天台) also applied to insects (〓〓 Jieqiang). But he intended to clarify that the ten realms (十界) are included in the intrinsic nature. He also explained that Jieqiang Liuji (〓〓六即) based on the theory of one's own mind. Also the ten realms (十界) reveal themselves as the same rank with which a practitioner passes through the ranks of Liuji (六即). This is why the Jieqiang Liuji (〓〓六即) was explained. Therefore, his theory of Jieqiang Liuji (〓〓六即) does not mean that an insect called Liji Jieqiang 理即〓〓 (the first stage of the Liuji 六即) begins to practice, and then passes through the five ranks of the liuji (六即).

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唐代長安の佛教と天台について

鈴木行賢

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 56-59,1187
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/03/09

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.56

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This study aims to clarify Tiantai in relation to the Buddhism of Tang period Chang'an. The position of Zhanran is not clear in the Song Gaosengzhuan or the funeral inscription of Zuoxi (故左渓大師碑). In addition, many Tiantai teachers are related to the Buddhism of Chanjan. This led to the loos formulation of a Tiantai lineage originally.

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天台智〓と章安灌頂に関する一、二の問題

張堂興志

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 60-63,1187
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/03/09

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.60

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Guanding 灌頂 made a written record and subsequently compiled the lectures of Zhiyi 智〓 as the three great Tiantai 天台三大部 commentaries.
If Guanding had merely recorded lectures of Zhiyi, there would be no problem. However, Guanding interpolated his own ideas into his putative record of Zhiyi's exposition. This is particularly clear in the discussion of Hinayana. It is therefore dangerous to rely on these sources to approach Zhiyi's thought.

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天台教学における地獄の問題

神達知純

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 64-67,1188
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/03/09

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.64

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In Tiantai doctrine, naraka is known as one of the ten realms of living beings (十界). In China many Buddist scriptures that had a well-organized description about naraka had already been translated and written in the Northern and Southern dynasties. It follows that Zhiyi (智〓) developed ideas such as that each of the ten realms contains the other nine within itself (十界互具), in times when fear of naraka was common. In this report I take up some problems about naraka which are derived from the four-word phrase about Sila and Yana (戒乗四句) in “Mohe Ziguan (摩詞止観)”.

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敦煌諸写本による『金蔵論』巻五、六の解明

宮井里佳

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 68-71,1188
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/03/09

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.68

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The Jinzang lun 金蔵論 ― a kind of Buddhist encyclopedia ― was compiled by Daoji 道紀 in the Northern Zhou period in China. It seemed that the Jinzang lun was lost in China, and the only manuscripts extant were fascs. 1-2 and the bulk of fasc. 6, which were in Japan. However, recently Dr. Arami Hiroshi 荒見泰史 discovered that there were pieces of the Jinzang lun in Dunhuang manuscripts. Then, when we investigated, we were able to find the following Jinzang lun manuscripts in the Dunhuang documents. Dunhuang A: B1322 (為86, BD3686)・Дx00977 in Russia・D156 in Beijing-University, Dunhuang B: B8407(鳥16, BD7316), Dunhuang C: S3962, Dunhuang D: 54654, Dunhuang E: P3426, Dunhuang F: S779. Dunhuang A-D are equivalent to fascs. 5 and 6 of the Jinzang lun. From these and fasc. 6 in Kofukuji 興福寺, we can reconstruct nearly the whole picture of fascs. 5 and 6 of the Jinzang lun.

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『大乗義章』「仏性義」における「行性」について

岡本一平

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 72-76,1189
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/10/29

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.72

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This essay is an attempt to hypothesize the original Sanskrit word and general idea behind Xíngxìng (行性) in the Dacheng yizhang (大乗義章) written by Huìyuan (慧遠).
The original word behind Xíngxìng is equivalent to vrtti of tathagatagarbha's category No. 6 in Ratnagotravibhaga (宝性論), and the idea of Xíngxìng is the rolling dhatu (性) into the three characters, that prthagjana (凡夫), arya (聖人) and sambuddha (如来). (This dhatu is one dad only existence for these characters)
Later, the monks of the Faxiang sect (法相宗)changed the meaning of Xíngxìng from dhatu to gotra (種性), and gave the word Lixing (理性) to dhatu.
The original meanig of Xíngxìng was disappeared and the monks of the Faxiang sect could keep the thought of tathagatagarbha at a distance.

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『仁王般若経』受持品について

水野荘平

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 77-81,1189
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/07/01

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.77

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This article concerns a problem in the 7th chapter of the Benevolent Kings Sutra. I examined the former half and latter half of this chapter, and examined important terms seen there. Several original translation terms are found in the former half, and several terms with a strong influence of Taoism in the latter half, which are also seen in the other chapters. It has come to be clear that the former half and latter half of the 7th Chapter were separately produced. So the Benevolent Kings Sutra seems to have undergone various stages in the compiled process. My conclusion is that the former half was inserted in this sutra, after translating some original Sanskrit portion into Chinese. The latter half was clearly compiled in China. Therefore, it can be guessed that the 7th chapter was added to the Benevolent Kings Sutra that had been originally one volume, and it became the present two volumes sutra. It is certain that the Benevolent Kings Sutra was finally compiled in China. However, not all the thought of the Benevolent Kings Sutra can be assumed to be of Chinese origin.

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僧肇『物不遷論』の一解釈

『般若無知論』、『不真空論』の思想に基づいて

小椋章浩

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 82-85,1190
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/07/01

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.82

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There are two principal views in the interpretations of Sengzhao (僧肇 384 or 374-414): one is that he correctly understood the thought of prajña in India; the other is that his thought was one of the logic of tiyong (体用) in China. But they fail to grasp his meaning, so that it is difficult for us to interpret his wu bugian lun (物不遷論). This paper aims to re-examine the system of his thought in his two works and to advance a new interpretation of the Wu bugian lun by positioning it in this system.
In the Boruo wuzhi lun (般若無知論) he regarded the state of boruo (般若 prajña) as two-aspects of one body; that is, the state of ji (寂)―there is no conceptional knowing―and that of yong (用)―everything is known by intuitional knowing―. In the bu zhengong lun (不真空論), in my opinion, things caught by ji were called ‘not being (非有)’ and those by yong were called ‘not nothing (非無).’ Thus he took the true meaning of gong (空 sunya) as that things are both ‘not being’ and ‘not nothing.’ In the Wu buqian lun he argued that things do not shift through time as real conditions of things known by intuitional knowing.

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唯識学派における種子説の解釈について-真如所縁縁種子から無漏種子へ-

吉村誠

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 86-91,1190
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/07/01

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.86

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In this paper, I examine how the theory of bijas (“seeds”) was interpreted in the Weishi School (Chinese Yogacara) in the early Tang.
The most authoritative exposition of seeds was articulated in vol. 2 of the Cheng weishi lun, translated into Chinese by Xuanzang in 659. The main point of this bija theory was to prove the existence of “uncontaminated seeds” (anasravabija). In particular, the idea of originally existing uncontaminated seeds (dharmatanasravabija) worked successfully to flesh out the theory of five different natures of religious capacity.
The purpose of presenting the theory of uncontaminated seeds in the Cheng weishi lun was not only to justify the theory of five different natures, but also to rescue the theory of “seeds that take thusness as causal referent” (tathatalambanapratyayabija) that was set forth in vol. 52 of the Yuqie shidi lun (Yogacarabhumi; translated by Xuanzang in 648).
This was done because the seeds that take thusness as causal referent were taken as buddha-nature (buddhadhatu) or Tathagatagarbha by the people who believed in the Mahaparinirvanasutra―which claimed that all sentient beings have the buddha-nature within themselves and that each and every one can reach Buddhahood.
Faced with this crisis, the Weishi school needed a new framework for its seed theory, in order to bring added nuance to its theory of seeds that take thusness as causal referent and the theory of five natures. Thus, the uncontaminated seeds postulated in the Cheng weishi lun superceded the thusnessreferential seeds.

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諸法実相と如実相-「諸法すなわち実相」の源流-

武田浩学

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 92-96,1191
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/07/01

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.92

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In Jizang's Dacheng xuanlun『大乗玄論』(T1853), we find the unique phrase ‘zhufa wanran er shixiang 諸法宛然而實相’. Until now scholars seem to have thought that it means ‘all things are the truth by themselves’. But its meaning is open to discussion.
It is important to note that this phrase originales from ‘ranxin shixiang 染心實相’ in the Mahaprajñaparamita-sastra『大智度論』(T1509). Beyond that, compared with the Mahaprajñaparamita-sutra 摩詞般若波羅蜜經(T223), this shixiang 實相 must be transliterated as rushi xiang 如實相. And the original word of this rushi xiang 如實相 is yatha-bhutata in the Pañcavimsatisahasrika-prajñaparamita.
We know that Kumarajiva usually translated dharmata as zhufa shixiang 諸法實相. What needs to be emphasized is what Kumarajiva translated yathabhutata as shixiang 實相.

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鑑真の菩薩戒伝戒とその受容

勝野隆広

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 97-100,1192
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/07/01

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.97

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Jianzhen studied the Dharmaguptaka Vinaya and Tiantai. However, the contents of his bodhisattva precepts are not known clearly. Therefore, I studied Jianzhen and his circumstances. All his teachers, Wengang, Daoan and Hongjin, bestowed bodhisattva precepts on emperors as the teacher of the bodhisattva precepts. Jianzhen received the bodhisattva precepts at the age of eighteen, but this did not match with the rules of the Yoga precepts. Therefore, there was a high possibility that the precepts of the Fanwang-jing were bestowed on him. In addition to this, according to the Song Gaosngzhuan, there were some cases in which Dharmaguptaka monks received bodhisattva precepts of esoteric Buddhism, so the bestowals and receipts of the bodhisattva precepts did not necessarily follow sectarian lines.
The general public received the bodhisattva precepts with a high regard for religious good deeds through the ritual of precepts bestowal from an eminent preceptor. And monks loosely accepted the bodhisattva precepts without regard for school.
Jianzhen conveyed such bodhisattva precepts to Japan. Jianzhen bestowed the bodhisattva precepts from the Fanwang-jing, which were also bestowed on him, on both monks and laypeople.

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大念佛寺蔵、迦才『浄土論』について

曽和義宏

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 101-105,1192
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/07/01

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.101

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Dainembutsu-ji temple in Hirano ward, Osaka, is the general headquarters of the Yuzu Nembutsu sect. Dainembutsu-ji owns a copy of the middle fascicle of Jiacai's Jingtulun. Nobody has introduced this manuscript to date.
This manuscript is remodeled, and an original cover is attached at the end of the volume. There is a signature of Ryonin 良忍 (1073-1132) on the original cover.
Ryonin signed as Ryonin 良仁 in documents until about 1093, the 7th year of the Kanji era. However, after 1099, the lst year of the Kowa era, he signs as Ryonin 良忍. Therefore Dainembutsu-ji version dates to 1099 or after.
In addition, Ryonin writes his name as “Ohara 小原” (that is Ohara 大原). In 1109, the 2nd year of the Temnin era, Ryonin founded the Raiko-in temple 来迎院 in Ohara of Kyoto. So he may have obtained the Dainembutsu-ji version after 1109, the 2nd year of the Temnin era.
At all events, Ryonin obtained the Dainembutsu-ji version by 1132, the 1st year of the Chosho era. In other words it was copied at about the same time as the copy of Jiacai's Jingtulun in the Jorakuji-temple 常楽寺, which dates to 1119, the 2nd year of the Genei era.
It is clear that Ryonin possessed the Dainembutsu-ji version. Therefore the Dainembutsu-ji version may be said to be a valuable manuscript.

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基撰とされる『阿弥陀経』注釈書について

林香奈

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 106-109,1193
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/07/01

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.106

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There are two annotations for the Smaller Sukhavativyuha regarded as written by Ji 基, the founder of the Chinese Faxiang 法相 school. One is called Amituojing shu 『阿弥陀経疏』, the other Amituojing tongzanshu 『阿弥陀経通賛疏』. From ancient times there has been a question whether these are genuine works of Ji. While there is good reason to doubt the attribution of both works, we should analyze how Ji's thought was accepted in these books. A few points different from Ji's thought are found in Amituojing shu. For example this book speaks of the ten Amita-buddha invocations, which Ji did not affirm. On the other hand, the author of the Amituojing tongzanshu understands Ji's thought well. Unfortunately, Amituojing tongzanshu has attracted little attention from scholars. In this paper, I want to point out the value of the Amituojing tongzanshu, which in accepting the ideas of Ji accurately is more valuable than the Amituojing shu.

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霊芝元照における臨終来迎思想について

吉水岳彦

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 110-113,1194
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/03/09

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.110

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In this paper, I consider Lingzhi Yuanzhao's philosophy of Amitabha's descent at the moment of death. Yuanzhao's philosophy of descent at the moment of death is based on the idea that “all phenomenon is mind-only existence.” For example, even Amitabha's Pure Land, which surpasses the ten trillion Buddha Lands, has mind-only existence. However, since the mind is not limited to the body, but extends to include all existence, all the buddhas of the four directions are also within the mind. According to Yuanzhao, while Amitabha is within the mind, nevertheless based on the Original Vow, Amitabha descends from the Pure Land to greet sentient beings at the moment of death.

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迦才『浄土論』における種子欲と上心欲

真諦訳論書に説示される随眠説を手がかりにして

工藤量導

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 114-117,1194
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/07/01

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.114

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Jiacai was an Amitabha believer living in Chang-an in the sixth century. He introduced two terms,“karmic seed desire” (zhongziyu 種子欲) and“appearance desire” (shangxinyu 上心欲) in his work Jingtulun 浄土論 (The Discourse on the Pure Land). It is his idea that in the Pure Land, practitioners are not falling away from awakening because they only have “zhongziyu”, but not “shangxinyu”. However, he did not explain the meaning of these two desires at all. This thesis examines the meaning of these two desires.
I investigated the Scriptures translated by Paramartha. As a result, “zhongziyu” has the sense of “bija” and “anusaya,” and “shangxinyu” has the sense of “abhisamskara.” Namely, “zhongziyu” is latent defilement, while “shangxinyu” is its active state. Moreover, it is reasonable say that the bija theory and anusaya theory, of Vasubandhu's Mahayanasamgraha-bhasya translated by Paramartha, had a big influence on Jiacai's thought. “Zhongziyu” in the Pure Land does not necessarily have a negative sense, but conceals the possibility of assisting Buddhist cultivation.

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松源崇岳の宗風

松源の二転語と坐禅

石井修道

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 118-126,1195
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/07/01

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.118

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In “Songyuan Chongyue (松源崇岳): His Biography and Thought” (IBK 54:1, 2006), I examined Songyuan's stupa inscription from Lu You's (陸游) Weinan wenji, and pointed out that “It is not the tongue that one speaks with,” one of the two turning phrases from his Record of Sayings, is of great importance.
This phrase, together with another, “Why is a man (of great strength) not able to lift his legs?”, were both introduced as the 20^th case in The Gateless Passage (無門関). “Obviously, the two phrases,” as Takashi Hirata commented in his annotated translation of The Gateless Passage, “indicate Songyuan's criticism of Chan quietism.”
It is now known, however, from the teachings of the founder of Kencho-ji (建長寺) and Songyuan's second generation successor, Lanxi Daolong (蘭渓道隆) that Songyuan in fact put great emphasis on seated meditation. In this paper, the relationship between seated meditation and his two turning phrases is addressed. I am certain that the two turning phrases are concerned with nothing more than his opinions on true enlightenment through a koan. It can be inferred that, by examining Dahui's (大慧) sayings on seated meditation and koan practice, efforts in both practices are equally necessary. Hirata's conclusion about Songyuan's criticism of Chan quietism therefore proves inappropriate.

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『二入四行論』の成立について

伊吹敦

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 127-134,1195
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/03/09

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.127

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Though the Treatise on the Two Entrances and Four Practices has been handed down as the record of Bodhidharma's teaching, the reliability of this tradition has not been adequately verified. Surely scholars such as YANAGIDA Seizan and ISHII Kosei have contributed toward the analysis of the sutras on which it was based, and also have pointed out the influence of Chinese classics on it. But the origin of the structure of ‘The Two Entrances and Four Practices’ has not been explained. In my opinion, it should be regarded as the highly original evolution of the method of interpreting the Dharma which had widely prevailed in the South-North Dynasty, especially among Dilun scholars. Therefore, there is no reason to consider that the Treatise on the Two Entrances and Four Practices originates from the teaching of an Indian monk Bodhidharma.

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『伝光録』における「夢」の用例について

宮地清彦

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 135-140,1196
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/03/09

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.135

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This paper takes the 39th chapter of the Denko-roku as its central subject matter, because this chapter explains that the stage of spiritual enlightenment is identical with the act that “man dreams a dream or a phantom.” I aim make clear the real images of spiritual enlightenment in Zen Buddhism, by examining the contents of the text above mentioned.
I compare the Sandongqi, Ratnakuta, and the some esoteric scriptures to the Denko-roku, because the Ratnakuta and esoteric scriptures often speak of “illusion-like samadhi and of dreams, the Sandongqi considers the Buddha-nature.
It becomes clear that the stage of citta-parisuddhi through “dreams” is considered to be absolute in the Zen thought of the Denko-roku. I hope to find more examples of “dreams” in other Zen texts besides the Denko-roku, and take them into my consideration in the future.

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『澄心論』再読考

瀧瀬尚純

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 141-146,1196
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/03/09

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.141

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Chengxin lun (『澄心論』) is a Dunhuang Chan Manuscript found in seven copies. The several studies have been made on this text. First, Mr. Daisetu Suzuki (鈴木大拙) and Mr. Ryosho Tanaka (田中良昭) introduced the text as an early Chan work. On the other hand, Mr. Shindai Sekiguchi (関口真大) asserted it to have a connection with Tiantai Zhiyi's thought (天台智〓) in his work named ‘Study on the Great Master Bodhidharmza’ (『達摩大師の研究』).
So in this article, I will reexamine and revise of the Chengxin lun.

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『宗門圓相集』について

『宗門圓相集』編集の背景を中心に

徐銀柱

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 147-150,1197
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/03/09

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.147

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In 13th century, Pojo Chinul (1158-1210) published documents about the theory of reconciliation of Zen practice and Zen doctrines by the Zongmi school, and he started the Suseonsa 修禅社 meditation group. At the same time, Zhigian (1145-1229) published “A Circle Drawing” (a collection of Zen circles or Yuanxiang 圓相) expounding on the advantages of the Patriarchal Zen system that used the Zen circle dharma of the Gui Yang School, a Patriarchal Zen system.
Zhiqian, influenced by Shunzhi in Five Crown Mountain (829-893), accepted the idea of a Zen circle from the Gui Yang School. Later on his life, Zhiqian went into seclusion in Jangdan where Sunnzhi had introduced the Gui Yang School to the Korean Peninsula for the first time. In Jangdan, Sunnzhi practiced the Zen of the Gui Yang School, which expressed inexpressible spiritual experiences through Yuanxiang. He also managed to edit “A Circle Drawing”.

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伝空海撰『雑問答』について-宥快の引用を中心に-

林山まゆり

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 151-154,1197
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/03/09

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.151

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This study attempts to identify the reasons why Yukai, a scholar-monk of the Shingon School in the Muromachi era, presumed that the Zo-mondo was not Kukai's work, despite the fact that it had generally been believed to be his work until the early Kamakura era. Yukai's conclusion has been accepted in academia. Therefore, in order to confirm the foundation of Yukai's supposition, this study examined quotations of the Zo-mondo in Yukai's works. The findings are that the Zo-mondo contradicts Kukai's Sokushin jobutsu-gi and that the Xindiguan jing, which had not yet entered Japan in Kukai's times, is excerpted in the Zo-mondo.

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『金剛秘密山王伝授大事』と恵心流

白勝娟

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 155-158,1198
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/07/01

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.155

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The Kongo-himitsu-Sanno-denju-daiji (金剛秘密山王伝授大事) includes inconsistent descriptions of which school had handed down the text. One description shows that it is ascribed to the “Eshin-school (恵心流)” and another shows that it is ascribed to the “Kajii-school (梶井流).” This seems to be contradictory because the Kajii-school is considered generally as a kind of Danna-school (檀那流). Kakujo NOMOTO (野本覚成) interprets this contradiction as implying that the Shinzo-school (神蔵流), a kind of the Eshin-school, called itself the Kajii-school. Based on his understanding, this paper examfines the lineage of the Kongo-himitsu-Sanno-denju-daiji more closely by consulting other texts of the Eshin-school and considers the relationship between the Kongo-himitsu-Sanno-denju-daiji and the Eshin-School.
The conclusions are as follows: I. the Kongo-himitsu-Sanno-denju-daiji had already been established as a unit of text when Goyu (豪祐) received it from his predecessor. This is drawn from the fact that the date of the incident was mentioned for the first time in the colophon. The text still existed as the Shogyozo-version (正教蔵本) and the Tenkaizo-version (天海蔵本), II. Kyochu (経忠) can be identified as Jichu (慈忠), the chief priest of Jodo-ji (浄土寺) temple, who is a young brother of Tsunetada FJUIWARA (藤原経忠), the minister of the left (C. E. 1302-1352), and III. the lineage up to Keichin (慶珍) appearing on the Shogyozo-version and that up to Seikai (盛海) appearing on the Tenkaizo-version can be found in other texts of the Eshin-school. It should be stressed that the last point reveals that the Kongo-himitsu-Sannodenju-daiji is not ascribed to the Danna-school, but to the Eshin-school.

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照源の『止観義例猪熊鈔』について

窪田哲正

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 159-164,1198
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/03/09

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.159

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Shogen was a learned priest of the Japanese Tendai school in the 14th century. He lectured on the Shikan girei written by Chanjan. Etatsu recorded the content of the lecture and summarized it in the work Shikan girei inokuma sho.
In this book, Shogen criticized various opinions about Shikan, meditation theories of the Chinese Tendai sect. A distinguishing characteristic of his claim is that his theory about Shikan is mixed with a doctrine of esoteric Buddhism of Japanese Tendai sect.

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源信の仏性論 -従来説の再検討を通して-

柳澤正志

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 165-169,1199
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/03/09

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.165

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It is hard to speak briefly about Genshin's Idea about the Buddha-nature. Koe Yagi and Rengetu Fukuhara argued his doctrine as the same as Shinjinbussho 信心仏性. This term is used to express Shinran's doctrine of the Buddha-nature, and many scholars pointed out the influence from Genshin on this subject. But I am not in a position to agree with Yagi and Fukuhara's opinion.
Genshin thought that Icchantika have insufficient faith but do have the Buddha-nature. If piety is the same as the Buddha-nature, there is a contradiction in his doctrine. He regarded piety as a most important key for training. Genshin thought that through training, beings will see the Buddha-nature and become spiritually enlightened.

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金剛寺蔵鎌倉写『般舟讃』について

南宏信

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 170-173,1199
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/03/09

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.170

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The Amano-san Kongoji-Temple has the only existing one page manuscript of Shandao's ( 善導 613-681) famous commentary Banzhouzan. We can determine the age of the manuscript as being copied at least during the Kamakura period from the existence of guiding marks for rendering Chinese into Japanese Kanbun. And we can understand that it is a manuscript of a different type from its style and the difference of its characters (慊恨/悔恨) , thus realizing the limits of philological studies. This manuscript gives us an example of a certainly precious object with historical value for Buddhist studies.

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一遍上人妻帯説の再検討

岡本貞雄

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 174-177,1200
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/03/09

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.174

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It is said that Ippen Shonin 一遍上人 quit the priesthood, and that he was married. It is alleged that his wife was Choichi 超一, but is it true? This paper examines recent studies and finds historical support for their accounts.

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『賢愚経』諸本の調巻と品題について

興津香織

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 178-181,1200
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/07/01

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.178

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It is well-known that the text of the Chinese translation of the Sutra of the Wise and the Foolish (Taisho Canon, vol. 4. No. 202) survives in two lineages: (1) the Korean Canon version, which contains 62 stories; and (2) the Yuan-Ming Canons recension which has 69 stories. Both versions are divided into 13 scrolls 十三巻. On the other hand, the majority of the Japanese manuscripts copied during the Heian and Kamakura Periods amount to 17 scrolls. Furthermore, the Heian-Kamakura MSS lineage also shows differences in the order of the chapter titles. The dissimilarities in the scroll division and chapter order between various textual witnesses(Khitan Canon, Korean Canon, Song Canon, Yuan-Ming Canons, Todai-ji MS, Dunhuang MS) as well as in the citations from the Jinglü yixiang 經律異相 have been analysed by Rikichiro FUKUI 福井利吉郎. According to this Japanese scholar, the Todai-ji 東大寺 MS consists of 16 scrolls. The Todai-ji version presented by FUKUI consists of only small fragments, but these seem to show remarkable similarities with other old Japanese manuscripts of this sutra. In this paper, I examine three newly discovered textual witnesses: (1) the Kongo-ji 金剛寺 MS in 8 scrolls, dating from the Kamakura Period; (2) the Nanatsudera 七寺 MS in 16 scrolls, copied at the end of the Heian Period; and (3) the Saiho-ji 西方寺 MS in 8 scrolls, which goes back to the Kamakura Period. My analysis focuses on the differences in the number of scrolls in which the text was transmitted in China and Japan.

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日蓮聖人『雙紙要文』と『注法華経』との関連

関戸堯海

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 182-188,1201
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/03/09

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.182

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The Chu-Hokekyo is a work in 10 rolls in which Nichiren (1222-1282) added bibliographic reference data in the blank spaces of Lotus Sutra. Copies of the Chu-Hokekyo now known can be thought to have been made in the later years of Nichiren's life. Many examples of bibliographic notes in Nichiren's own hand are extant. Nichiren created the Chu-Hokekyo by putting his notes in order. However, earlier versions of the work in progress no longer exist. I therefore investigate the relation between the completed Chu-Hokekyo and the notes upon which it was based.

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三河における法然上人二十五霊場

山本博子

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 189-194,1201
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/03/09

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.189

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In Japan there are the twenty-five sacred sites where the twenty-five historical holy scenes of St. Honen's activities are imitated. From the end of the Edo period until the present, the twenty-five sacred sites were three times reconstructed in the Mikawa district. The areas where these sacred sites exist tend to expand with the passing of time. However, in districts where several of the sites exist next to each other, they tend to decrease. The expansion of the sacred sites at Mikawa, therefore, as compared with the nationwide situation, is a particular case.

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証空の往生観

〓玉盞

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 195-200,1201
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/07/01

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.195

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Ojo, which means to be born in the Pure Land after one's death in this world, is a serious issue that has been discussed for a long time. As one of the topics of Buddhist thought, Ojo can be approached from various aspects. Ishii Kyodo, a scholar who tends to discuss Ojo in respect of its manner and value, suggests that Ojo is not only a phenomenon of transition from a world to another, but should be most emphasized in its internal signification.
To understand the essence of Pure-land teachings, it is significant to clarify when Ojo happens to us on earth. Does it happen only at the moment of our death? Or might it be realized during our life? Honen, the first patriarch of the Japanese Jodo sect, suggested that Ojo could only be realized through the practices of Shomyo-nenbutsu. His disciple Shoku (1177-1247), who is considered the first patriarch of the Senzan branch of the Jodo sect, also insisted that Nenbutsu-ichigyo (the sole practice of Nenbutsu) was a necessary way to the Pure Land. This paper attempts to compare the Pure-land teachings of the two patriarchs, and then to discuss how Shoku defined the way to the Pure Land.

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了誉聖冏と聖徳太子信仰 -『説法明眼論』の受容をめぐって-

鈴木英之

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 201-205,1202
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/07/01

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.201

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The purpose of this study is to investigate-through the Seppo-Myogenron 説法明眼論-the Shogei 聖問's relationship to the belief in Shotoku Taishi 聖徳太子信仰.
Ryoyo Shogei 了誉聖冏 (1341-1420), one of the most learned monks in the Jodo sect 浄土宗, lived in the period of the North and South Courts through the early Muromachi era. He enhanced the Jodo sect's religious position and made a great contribution to the formulation of its solid doctrine. He was also known to have had a profound knowledge of other religious and social matters, and moreover, he had a clear apprehension of the secular religions at the time.
However, little is known about how Shogei was connected to the belief in Shotoku Taishi. In the middle ages, the belief in Shotoku Taishi was widely spread among people, and in due course, many kinds of books regarding Shotoku Taishi were written. One of them is the Seppo-Myogenron 説法明眼論, believed to be a work of Shotoku Taishi.
My study shows that Shogei was very interested in the Seppo-Myogenron, and he made frequent reference to it in his works.
Upon close examination, surprisingly, in some cases (Jodo-Ryaku-Myomokuzu浄土略名目図 etc), he went so far as to adopt the Seppo-Myogenron into his own religion-Jodo Buddhism 浄土教.
From this, we can conclude that Shogei was positively influenced by the belief in Shotoku Taishi.

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智光の浄土教への一考察 -吉蔵の浄土教との関連を中心に-

伊東昌彦

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 206-209,1203
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/03/09

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.206

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Chiko's 智光 thought on Pure Land Buddhism can be known from his Muryojukyoron-shaku 無量寿経論釈. Muryojukyoron-shaku is a commentary on Vasubandhu's Wangsheng lun 往生論 based on Tanluan's 曇鸞 understanding as found in his Wangsheng lunzhu 往生論註. Therefbre, Chiko's Pure Land thought is often discussed in connection with Tanluan. However, because Chiko belonged to the Sanlun 三論 school, Jizang's 吉蔵 Pure Land thought also played an important role. In actuality, Chiko does adopt the interpretation method of Benji Ermen 本迹二門, which is a distinctive feature of Jizang's Pure Land thought. But this interpretation method carries a unique meaning within the Sanlun sect. In this paper, I wish to examine whether Chiko adequately understood this interpretation method of Benji Ermen.

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聖光の著作に見られる「弁阿云」「私云」について

郡嶋昭示

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 210-213,1203
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/03/09

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.210

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In Shoko's writings, there are places where he wrote attributions such as “according to me” and “according to Ben'na” Ben'na being another name for Shoko. In this paper, I examine why Shoko wrote in this manner. It is apparent that Shoko only did this for certain sections and not others, intentionally making a distinction. Examining the content of Shoko's writings, it is clear that he was distinguishing his supplementary explanations from Honen's original discourse. In other words, in order that Shoko's own explanations not be confused with Honen's, he clarified by adding attributions like “according to me” to those sections, and we can presume he was conscientiously recording Honen's thoughts.

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承元の法難と『無常講式』の一考察

井上重信

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 214-217,1204
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/03/09

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.214

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After his defeat in the war, the Retired Emperor Gotoba, who had brought unprecedented suffering to the Nembutsu order, converted himself not to a traditional Buddhist sect, but to the Nembutsu teaching, which had been oppressed by himself, and represented his own view on the mutability of life (Mujokan) in his Mujokoshiki, in the desolate land of exile.
The aim of the present paper is to compare the conception of the Mujokan of Gotoba and Ren'nyo, a restorer of the Shin Buddhist denomination, and to ascertain the difference between them.
The reason why I arranged the Religious Persecution of the Jogen era and the Mujokoshiki in the title is that I wanted to remark on the artificiality of the fact that both Zonkaku (Zonkaku hogo) and Ren'nyo (Hakkotsuno Ofumi) quoted a passage from the Mujokoshiki, a work by Gotoba, who once prohibited the practice of Nembutsu.

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真宗におけるボランティアの意義 -障害者との共生をめぐって-

頼尊恒信

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 218-221,1204
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/03/09

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.218

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Recently, Buddhist social welfare is an important topic in Japanese Buddhism. However, it is generally limited to considerations of terminal stage medical and social services. But welfare in Shin Buddhist teaching is not so limited. In this paper, the significance of volunteer work in Shin Buddhism is considered.
In the past, volunteer work in Buddhism has been done as part of charity activity. However, there is no record that Shinran was involved in such work. The Buddhism which Shinran clarified is the Buddhism of Faith in Other-Power. Its basis is different from the volunteer work sought by the people of secular society.
What kind of modern meaning can be found in volunteer works in the Shin Buddhist teaching? We must find its clue in the teaching of the 18th Primal Vow. The origin of “symbiosis of healthy subject and the disabled” is also considered there.

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親鸞における誓願酬報と時間

武田未来雄

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 222-225,1205
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/03/09

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.222

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In my paper I wish to discuss Shinran's idea of The Fulfillment of Vow. Shinran states,
because they have arisen through the fulfillment of Vows of great compassion, they are called true fulfilled buddha and land. (“The Collected Works of SHINRAN Volume I”, Jodo Shinshu Hongwanji-ha, 1997, P. 177. 9-10)
Furthermore, Shinran states,
In the pure fulfilled land of the Great vow, grade and level are irrelevant. (“The Collected Works of SHINRAN Volume I”, Jodo Shinshu Hongwanji-ha, 1997, P. 114. 26-27)
In these words we can find Shinran making clear that the fulfilled land is the world at equality. How did Shinran demonstrate the world of equality in the fulfilled land? Therefore I considered the problem of time in the fulfillment of Vows.

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存覚の神祇思想について

高田未明

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 226-229,1205
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/07/01

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.226

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Zonkaku discusses the relationship between deities of the native Shinto religion and Buddhist bodhisattvas with the theory of honji suijaku. Distinguishing the gonsha and the jissha, he recommends respecting the gonsha and forbids worshiping the jissha. Kenmitsu Bukkyo adopted the theory to criticize non-entrusting to the deities claimed by Honen and Shinran. Zonkaku tried to rebut such criticism by standing on the same theory. This enabled him to avoid empty disputes which would occur by simply denying the deities; he intended to lead them to Amida Buddha by admitting the deities.
Shinran's thought on the deities has three aspects: non-entrusting, being protected, and non-disdaining. Zonkaku might summarize Shinran's thought in the frame of the theory of honji suijaku. By adopting this theory, the theoretical consistency with being protected and non-disdaining can be retained. Concerning non-entrusting, however, the consistency cannot be proved well. Therefore although Zonkaku adopted the theory, he emphasized the distinction between gonsha and jissha to emphasize to Shinran's policy of non-entrusting. This is a characteristic of Zonkaku's thought on the deities seen in the Shojinhongaishu and other works.

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「剣禅一如」思想の源流 -沢庵と柳生新陰流-

笠井哲

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 230-234,1206
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/03/09

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.230

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“Ken Zen Ichinyo” is a phrase to express the close connection between Zen and swordmanship. However, both are originally separate. I analyze examples of Zen terms quoted in the Heihokadensho of Yagyu Munenori, and consider The Mysterious Record of Immovable Wisdom of Takuan who was an adviser of Munenori next, thereby clarifying the source of the expression “Ken Zen Ichinyo.” There were two intentions in the way Zen terms were quoted helping us understand the origin of “Ken Zen Ichinyo.”

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曹洞宗教団史の一考察

近藤章正

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 235-238,1206
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/07/01

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.235

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The Soto Sect (曹洞宗) was spread through all of Japan by Meiho Sotetsu (明峰素哲, 1277-1350) and Gasan Joseki (峨山韶碩, 1276-1366), pupils of Keizan Jokin (瑩山紹瑾, 1268-1325). Among Gasan Joseki's followers, Taigen Sosin (太源宗真, ?-1371), Tsugen Jakurei (通幻寂霊,1322-1391), Mutan Sokan (無端祖環, ?-1387), Daitetsu Sorei (大徹宗令, 1333-1408) and Jippo Ryoshu (実峰良秀, ?-1405), developed Soujiji (總持寺) in Noto (能登) as a home base.
Here I would like to fbcus on Taigen Sosin's pupil Sekichyu Eisan (石宙永珊, ?-1487?).
After becoming a priest and walking throughout the land when young, Eisan became Senso Esai (川僧慧済, ?-1475)'s pupil, and erected the temple Choshoin (長松院) with the patronage of Kawai Munetada (河井宗忠), master of the center of Matsuba castle (松葉城主). Eisan also lived in Ichiunsai (一雲斎) and Daitouin (大洞院).
Attention was drawn to Eisan in the Shizuoka prefectural history (『静岡県史』) where we read that Iwao Nakada (中田祝夫) of Tokyo University Historiographical Institute credits Eisan as the author of the Ninten ganmokusho (『人天眼目抄』).
Therefore I would like to discuss Eisan's life and the problem of the Ninten ganmokusho.

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『洞門亀鑑』の写本について

駒ケ嶺法子

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 239-242,1207
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/03/09

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.239

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This paper focuses on the extant copies of Tomon kikan, especially those preserved in Eihei-ji and Soji-ji.
The original manuscript of Tomon kikan was written by Tokuo Ryoko (1649-1709) in 1703, the 16th year of the Genroku period in the Edo era. No printed copies of this work have been found, with only several manuscript copies are preserved.
On my examination of the end notes of these two manuscripts, I found recorded that the original Tomon kikan was kept at Soji-ji and Genko-an soon after it was finished, and it was copied in writing at Chokoku-ji in 1850, the 3rd year of the Kaei period. My conclusion is that one of the extant copies came down to us today via Chokoku-ji.

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「行学一如」の歴史的背景 -橋田邦彦の主張を中心にして-

石井公成

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 243-251,1207
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/07/01

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.243

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Komazawa University, which was founded by the Soto school, is thought to take the motto “the unity of practice and study” as its guiding principle. However, neither the time nor the background from which this motto was taken to be the principle for the establishment of the university is clear. Slogans resembling this one are still used as school mottoes in prefectural high schools and other educational institutions, a fact that suggests that this motto may actually be unrelated to the Soto school. The slogan “the unity of practice and study” is thought to be based on the thought of Hashida Kunihiko (1882-1945), who was once a professor in the Department of Medicine at The University of Tokyo. Hashida, who was influenced by the thought of Dogen and Wang Yangming, took science and praxis to be two aspects of one thing, and theorized that science should be practiced as a kind of religious activity. Hashida served as Minister of Education for three years during war, and so the influence received from his advocacy of this position was great. When students were ordered to work in munitions factories due to labor shortages, the Ministry of Education justified this using slogans such as “the integration of study and practice” and “study and practice are the same thing”, and so forth. However, since these words in themselves originally have no militaristic connotations, they were probably taken as slogans for general usage, and imparted with a variety of meanings and utilized after the war.

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敦煌仏画の彩色法

真鍋俊照

2006 年 55 巻 1 号 p. 252-259,1208
発行日: 2006/12/20
公開日: 2010/07/01

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.252

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The Buddhist paintings (specifically ban幡, or banners used in Buddhist ritual) that Sir Mark Aurel Stein and Paul Pelliot took from Dunhuang and brought back to England and France feature images of flowers and Buddhist deities painted in gold and silver. These images were produced during the Tang Dynasty (ninth century). During this time, in the Tang capital of Chang'an, Huiguo had Lizhen and some ten or more other disciples paint the two mandalas (Womb and Diamond). This was so he could give it to his disciple Kukai (774-835). Kukai returned to Japan in 806, but from 829 until 833, he had the Takao-Mandala made for the Abhiseka Hall at Jingoji (in Takao, Kyoto). Over four meters long and wide, this mandala was a major work. It featured Buddha images painted in gold and silver on magenta-colored silk.
In this essay I compare the gold and silver painting methods reflected in Buddhist paintings from Dunhuang with those used in Japanese mandala painting. Through this comparison, I will investigate the meaning of the “yugen method”, which is surely considered the most fundamental painting technique used for gold and silver esoteric paintings. I will also demonstrate that the aesthetic appreciation of gold and silver was closely related to the gold and silver patterns for vessels (dishes, water jugs, Buddhist implements, urns, and so on) standardized in the Tang period. The “yugen method” of esoteric Buddhist painting uses gold and silver paint on an indigo background to create the sense that the Buddha is rising into the sky. I will trace the ways in which this style reflects both the doctrine of Mahayana Buddhism, which prizes merit making, and the culmination of artistic representations of Buddhist deities.

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