印度學佛教學研究
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55 巻, 2 号
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  • 『維摩經』サンスクリットテキストの検討 -諸訳との比較-
    松濤 泰雄
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 513-522,1234
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.513
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    A Sanskrit edition of the Vimalakirtinirdesa was published in March 2006. This paper reports a result of the comparison of the Sanskrit edition with the Tibetan translation, which has the closest relationship with the Sanskrit edition. After picking out examples of the different readings between the Sanskrit edition and the Tibetan translation, I tried to find examples which agree with the reading of Zhiqian 支謙, which is the oldest translation of the Vimalakirtinirdesa. Among the 13 examples, the Tibetan translation has only four examples which agree with the reading of Zhiqian. Therefore we could say that the Sanskrit edition preserves more examples of earlier readings of the Vimalakirtinirdesa than does the Tibetan translation.
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  • 説一切有部における静慮
    阿部 真也
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 523-527,1235
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.523
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    This paper contributes to considerations on the four-dhyanas of the Sarvastivada. Data center on the Abhidharmakosa, Abhidharma-mahavibhasa, and Abhidharma-nyayausara. In the Sarvastivada, the four-dhyanas are applied to the rupa-dhatu. In this combination, dhyana is divided into two sorts, upapattidhyana and samapattidhyana, cause and effect. Originally these two seem to have been separate. Now, the essence of dhyana is samadhi, and samadhi is cittaikagrata. Apparently using several terms help clarify the idea. In order to understand dhyana from a different viewpoint 18 subdivisions are introduced in the 4 dhyanas. These, it is said, may be subsumed under eleven. Two levels each are introduced into each dhyana. Overall, it is a very complicated system. But the meaning of dhyana is abundantly clear.
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  • 初期大乗経典における出家菩薩の戒
    香川 真二
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 528-533,1235
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.528
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    In earlier Mahayana texts, two types of bodhisattvas are described: firstly, the lay bodhisattva (在家菩薩) and, secondly, the monastic bodhisattva (出家菩薩). Modern scholarship, however, has not paid as much attention to the latter as to the former. In this article, we will attempt to show what kind of person the monastic bodhisattva was seen to be. This will be done through a comparison with monks (bhiksu) in Buddhist schools using two Mahayana texts that detail the monastic bodhisattva. In the Jingxing ping (浄行品) of the Huayan jing (華厳経), the manner of ordination (upasampada) for monastic bodhisattvas is the same as that for monks in Buddhist schools; moral conduct (sila) too is considered in the same way for both. Thus, it becomes clear that the monastic bodhisattva is differentiated from the layperson. However, in the Ugrapariprccha (郁伽長者所問経), it is notable that the sila for the monastic bodhisattva includes the fourfold attitudes (四聖種: caturaryavamsa) and the virtues of the purified person (頭陀行: dhutaguna), both of which are stricter requirements than the usual Sila required by monks. It will be argued, therefore, that the Ugrapariprccha and Jingxing ping of the Huayan jing attempt to define the monastic bodhisattva as a sterner, more disciplined monk.
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  • 版本と異なる日本古写経中の『五王経』
    林寺 正俊
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 534-539,1236
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.534
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    In this paper, first of all, I clarify differences between a hitherto unknown version of the Wuwang jing found among old Buddhist manuscripts in Japan and the printed version. There are three differences; 1) the sequence of eight kinds of suffering (duhkha), 2) terminology used, and 3) brevity or details of sentences in the same paragraphs.
    Secondly, I examine which versions of the Wuwang-jing were quoted in Buddhist writings in both China and Japan, and found that there were seven occurrences of quotations of the printed version and only one of the manuscript version.
    Thirdly, in spite of the above-mentioned differences, a close relationship is presupposed because of the high portion of identical sentences. As far as this is concerned, there are two possibilities. One is to assume that the manuscript version was composed by deleting some sentences from the printed version. Another is quite the opposite, i. e., the printed version was composed by adding some sentences to the manuscript version. Internal textual evidence suggests that the second possibility is more likely. In order to arrive at a definitive conclusion, however, a further and closer examination shall be needed.
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  • 古本『貞元録』に入蔵された三種の『木〓経』について
    青木 進
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 540-543,1236
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.540
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    The old manuscript of the Zhenyuan lu 古本『貞元録』 preserved in the Nanatsu-dera collection, which represents a recension based on the text transmitted to Japan immediately after its compilation, records three verions of the Muhuan jing 『木〓經』. On the other hand, the Taisho recession of the Zhenyuan lu registers only two versions of the Muhuan jing. Furthermore, volume 17 of the Taisho Canon contains only one text entitled Muhuan jing.
    It would appear that Amoghavajra's translation was considered a similar rendering of the same text, which was not essentially different from the recension attributed to the unknown translator and therefore not used as the basic text of the printed versions.
    The Taisho edition of the text, the Fo shuo muhuan jing 『佛説木〓子經』, which also adopts the recension attributed to an unknown translator, relies on the text of the Korean Canon, and its footnotes collate it with the variant readings found in the printed versions as well as in Amoghavajra's translation of the Sanjujo sasshi 『三十帖冊子』. One is, however, struck by the fact that for a short text consisting of only 33 lines in the Taisho Canon, we have no less than 39 footnotes and 13 variae lectiones different from the Sanjujo sasshi version. It would thus seem unreasonable to regard the rendering attributed to the unknown translator and Amoghavajra's translation as being similar or identical renderings of the same text.
    In this paper, I examine the three versions of the Muhuan jing recorded in the old Zhenyuan lu on the basis of the three Nanatsu-dera manuscripts of the text, copied in the Heian Period.
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  • 『大仏頂別行法』の諸本について
    林 敏
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 544-547,1237
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.544
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    The text, whose complete title is Da fo ding rulai fangguang xidanduo bandanluo dashenli dushe yiqie zhouwang tuoluoni jing da weide zuisheng jinlun sanmei zhou pin diyi 大佛頂如來放光悉怛多般怛羅大神力都攝一切咒王陀羅尼經大威徳最勝金輪三昧咒品第一, is inciuded in volume 19 of the Taisho Can-on (No. 947). This version is based on a manuscript which was copied in year 3 of the Enkyu Era 延久 (1071 C. E.) and belongs to the Sanmitsu Collection 三密藏 of To-ji 東寺..
    The traditional catalogues of Buddhist scriptures contain no reference to the Dafo ding bie xingfa. We find, however, a total of 14 manuscripts of the text in the Dunhuang collecions. They are complete or partial texts which represent a separate recension different from the Taisho text.
    The recent survey of Nara and Heian Buddhist manuscripts in Japan undertaken by Prof. Toshinori Ochiai led to the discovery of another manuscript of the Dafo ding bie xingfa in 2005. The manuscript belongs to Ama-no-san Kongo-ji 天野山金剛寺 in Osaka Prefecture and appears to date back to the late Heian Period (1086-1192). It seems to represent a separate version distinct from the Taisho and Dunhuang recensions. The extant manuscripts of the Dafo ding bie xingfa attest thus to the wide-spread circulation of this scripture in Tang China and Heian Japan. It is very likely that the Dafo ding bie xingfa may have been compiled or translated between 718 and 735.
    The stemmata which emerge from the philological analysis of the text are:
    (1) The Kongo-ji lineage
    (2) The To-ji lineage
    (3) The Dunhuang lineage
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  • 六～七世紀の山西・綿山における空王仏信仰
    手島 一真
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 548-551,1238
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.548
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    Kongwang-fo is the one of the Past-Buddhas mentioned in a few sutras, such as the Lotus Sutra. We find faith in Kongwang-fo in the Mianshan area of Shanxi Province even today. On the other hand we can rarely see reverence of this Buddha in the other areas. Although there is a brief reference in the book of travels by the Japanese monk En-nin when he was on a tour of China in 9th century, not much research work has been carried out to date. This paper refers on the condition of the existence and development of the faith, and reports on the results of my investigation on the ground in Mian-shan.
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  • 明末の『諸経日誦集要』とその周辺
    陳 継東
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 552-558,1238
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.552
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    In order to elucidate the details of the formation of the Chanmen Risong, a text of Chinese Buddhist lessons and rituals practiced every day at temple of the Qing Dynasty, we must first clarify the historical context of the Zhujing Risong Jiyao, the archetype of the Chanmen Risong, edited by Yunqi Zhuhong. This paper analyzes several editions of the Zhujing Risong, in particular its relationship with the Zenlin Kaju and the Obaku Shingi, whose rituals were practiced in Edo period Japan, and led to historical changes.
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  • 円測の無自性観
    橘川 智昭
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 559-563,1239
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.559
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    The classification of the teachings into three periods by the Faxiang school has its textual basis in the Samdhinirmocanasutra, and the most important commentary of that sutra is the jie shenmi jing shu by Wonch'uk who is regarded as not having been officially authorized by the mainstream of the Faxiang school. Regarding Wonch'uk's views on doctrinal classification (Ch. panjiao), it has been generally agreed that he did not adhere to the standard position of the Yogacara, instead merging the second period teaching (the doctrine of sunyata), and the third period teaching. However, a closer look at his commentary leads to the conclusion that he describes the second period teaching as containing the substance of the paratantrasvabhava and the parinispannasvabhava as the Yogacara doctrine, and he is conscious of following Dharmapala's and Xuanzang's thought.
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  • 「心の構造」と「悟り」について
    高岡 善彦
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 564-567,1239
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.564
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    This paper is concerned with speculation into the nature of Enlightenment and the structure of Mind from earliest Buddhism up until the Chinese ‘Consciousness-Only’ (唯識学派) shool of the seventh centur. During this period,the notion of ‘prakrti-visuddham cittam’ is considered the predominant condition for the realization of enlightenment; yet, at the same time, it is also criticized by some Buddhist schools. With the rise of the Mahayana in India, prakrti-visuddham cittam is taken as tantamount to sunyata (‘emptiness’) or tathata (‘suchness’), which act as the key to the realization of enlightenment. According to the Consciousness-Only School(唯識学派), on the other hand, enlightenment is seen as realised by means of both impressions from learning (聞熏習) and undefiled seeds as the natural outflowing of the dharmadhatu (法界). This. paper will examine whether or not the ‘Consciousness-Only’ doctrine of Mind and Enlightenment remain consistant with Buddhism's foundational conception of impermanence.
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  • 『釈摩訶衍論賛玄疏』における華厳思想の影響
    吉川 太一郎
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 568-571,1240
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.568
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    Fawu's Shi moheyan lun zanxuan shu (Zanxuan shu) is a commentary on the Shi moheyan lun and, with Zhifu's Shi moheyan lun tongxuan chao, occupies an important position as a work showing the high level of Liao Buddhism. But, in spite of its importance, there are extremely few studies about the Zanxuan shu.
    This paper aims to clarify the concrete content of the Zanxuan shu and examines vol. 1, 2 concerning the influence of Huayan thought. This study is a starting point toward a general elucidation of Liao Buddhism.
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  • 澄観における戒律思想
    張 文良
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 572-578,1240
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.572
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    According to his biography, Chengguan (澄観) studied Nanshan (南山) Vinaya mostly under Tanyi (〓一). According to Tanyi's biography, however, the Vinaya school ideas inherited by him are not confined to Nanshan Vinaya alone; they are related to that of the Xiangbu (相部) and Dongtai (〓塔) Vinayas as well. Thus, the lineage of such inheritance suggests that Chengguan's Vinaya thought must have received their influence at the same time from all three branches of Chinese Vinaya School, namely Xiangbu, Dongtai and Nanshan. Moreover, as Chengguan studied the Avatamsaka sutra under Faxian (法銑) during that period of time, he must have also received influence from the Brahmajala-sutra. While denying the two theories which explain the essence of sila in terms of a rupa-dharma and in terms of neither citta nor rupa respectively, Chengguan held the theory of prakrti-sila (i. e. sila in terms of nature or prakrti). This theory is further divided into two kinds, namely “purity of arising” and “purity of essence”. They refer to obtaining the nature of Suchness (bhuta-tathata), sila-carya, and bodhi phala. As far as the Hinayana and Mahayana Vinayas are concerned, Chengguan did not deny the Hinayana Vinaya, but he explained it according to Mahayana perspectives. For instance, he thought that although the two yanas can also observe sila, they may become attached to the characteristics/forms of sila, as they have not realized the emptiness of sila. Mahayana bodhisattva-s are on the other hand considered to be those who observe sila completely/truly, as they have realized the emptiness of sila and they are not attached to the characteristics/forms of sila. As far as classification of the Teaching and sila are concerned, receiving ordination and observing sila which refer to the anulaksana of sila (戒之随相) pertain to both Mahayana and Hinayana. Realization of the emptiness of characteristics/forms of sila which refers to the vilaksana of sila (戒之〓相) pertains to Mahayana only. The sila with form (anulaksana) and without form (vilaksana) are not two different things; the nonduality of the two sila is called sila of the real teaching; while the activity of sila being endowed with all Buddha-dharmas is called brahma-carya of the perfect Huayan teachings.
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  • 南岳慧思における頓覚思想の考察
    鶴田 大吾
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 579-582,1241
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.579
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    In the Meaning of the Course of Ease and Bliss of the Lotus Sutra (法華経安楽行), Huisi teaches sudden enlightenment (頓覚) such that the Bodhisattva, with a single resolution (一心) and a single course of practice (一学) may attain the many diverse fruits of Buddhahood, by which is meant the infinite diversity of the Buddha's skilful teachings given for the benefit of sentient beings. Huisi's basis for this is the Sutra of Immeasurable Meanings (無量義経), in which it is explained that the infinite diversity of teachings are produced from the Single Dharma (一法) i. e., the Ultimate Reality (実相). This is the meaning of sudden enlightenment. Both ‘a single course of practice’ (一学) and the ‘Single Dharma’ (一法) are tantamount to the ‘Single Vehicle’ (一乗). Therefore, both Huisi and the Sutra agree that the infinite diversity of teachings are produced from the ‘Single Vehicle’ (一乗) Huisi advises Bodhisattvas who have only just aroused the resolve to realise Buddhahood (新学菩薩) to practise according to the principle of sudden enlightenment. The Sutra of Immeasurable Meanings seems to enable them to do so, for it teaches that upon relieving the suffering of various and diverse sentient beings, Bodhisattvas may attain a power equivalent to that of Great Bodhisattvas (大菩薩). Thus, the practice of sudden enlightenment, by which the suffering of all sentient beings is relieved, becomes possible.
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  • 法雲の『法華義記』における「一仏乗」解釈
    早川 貴司
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 583-586,1242
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.583
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    This paper is concerned with Fayun's (467-529) interpretation of the title ‘Lotus Sutra’ and the upayakausalya chapter in his Fahua yiji with an examination of his conception of the bodhisattvayana and ekabuddhayana. By comparing this with Zhu Daosheng's (355?-434) interpretation of the Lotus Sutra, the significance of Fayun's interpretation of the Lotus Sutra will be clarified within the wider historical context of Chinese Buddhism. In his Fahua yiji, Fayun compares the ekabuddhayana as described in the Lotus Sutra with the bodhisattvayana as one of the three yanas and affirms the superiority of the ekayana from the viewpoint of causality. Daosheng, on the other hand, adopts as the ultimate aim the standpoint of emptiness-cum-non-grasping without adherence to the ekayana, despite acknowledging the importance of the ekayana doctrine in the the Lotus Sutra. Due to the greater concentration upon Prajñaparamita Sutra material, the notion of emptiness was more of a focal point during Daosheng's time, whereas the relation between the ekayana and the three yanas remained only a secondary concern. On the other hand, it will be argued that it was not until the time of Fayun that the relation between the ekayana, as recounted in the Lotus Sutra, and the bodhisattvayana as one of the three yanas first becomes a key issue.
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  • 「空仮中」と「真俗中」-山家山外派の注釈書を中心にして-
    岩城 英規
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 587-591,1242
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.587
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    In this paper, I studied the concept of sandi (三諦) in the commentaries of Zhiyuan (智圓) of the Shanwai (山外) sect and Chuandeng (傳燈), and Zhixu (智旭) of the Ming dynasty. I discovered that they regarded sandi as zhendi (眞諦), sudi (俗諦), and zhongdi (中諦) (roughly: ultimate truth, conventional truth, and medial truth). And I discovered that Zhiyi (智〓) regarded sandi as zhendi, sudi, and zhongdi too, and he didn't regard sandi as kongdi (空諦), jiadi (假諦), or zhongdi. So I thought that these commentaries faithfully succeeded to Zhiyi's sandi concept.
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  • 「不可説」と二つの「可説」
    潘 哲毅
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 592-596,1243
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.592
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    In Tiantai doctrine, because the Wondrous Dharma is “inexpressible” it tends to comprehend the Wondrous Dharma as beyond the explanation of words. Following this line of thinking, discussing the Wondrous Dharma can be divided into the Dharma expressible in words and the Dharma beyond words.
    Analyzing Tiantai Zhiyi's 天台智〓 use of the “expressible,” it becomes clear that there exist two “expressibles.” One is the Preaching as the deniable view point of ordinary people. Another is the Preaching which is “expressible in words” at the same time as being “inexpressible in words.” The latter is comprehended by the former, and it is this comprehension that leads to the fault stated above.
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  • 天台教学における仏性論の構造に関する一考察 -智〓における三因仏性論の高揚と灌頂の継承について-
    田村 完爾
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 597-603,1243
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.597
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    The Da ban niepan jing 大般涅槃経 is based upon a two-cause theory of buddha-nature-zhengyin 正因 and yuanyin 縁因 (=liaoyin 了医), as acknowledged by most scholars during Tiantai Zhiyi's 天台智〓 time. Whereas, Zhiyi advances the amalgamation of three aspects-zhengyin foxing 正因仏性 (buddha-nature of a primary cause), liaoyin foxing 了因仏性 (buddha-nature of a cause to complete one's sense), and yuanyin foxing 縁因仏性 (buddha-nature of a subsidiary cause)-collectively referred to as sanyin foxing 三因仏性 (theory of buddha-nature in three causes). Zhiyi confers central importance to the unified theory of li 理 (the law of nature), zhi 智 (wisdom), and 行 xing (training), upon which other themes such as the theory of Buddha's body, enlightenment, nature, and ascetic practices can be discussed. His buddha-dhatu theory is thoroughly covered in the Fahua xuanyi 法華玄義, and is further organized, enriched, and consummated in the Weimo jing wenshu 維摩経文疏. However, We must note that Zhiyi probably had no access to any annotated commentaries explaining the Niepan sutra, thus precluding any motivation to necessitate a detailed comparison with the Niehnan sutra.
    Zhiyi's disciple, Guanding 潅頂, would write the commentaries, Xuanyi 玄義 and Wenju 文句, on the Niepan sutra after Zhiyi's death. Guanding's Neihpan xuanyi 涅槃経玄義, however, does not make reference to Zhiyi's three-cause buddha-nature theory. And, although much attention is laid within the introductory chapters of Guangding's Niepanshu 涅槃経疏 upon the three-cause theory of buddha-nature in his discussion of the three virtues in embracing one's ruler, master, and parent from the standpoint of Zhiyi's three central themes, this marks the limit of its mention. Thereafter, Guanding only advocates a two-cause theory of buddha-nature. Guanding stood on the fringe between both the text of the Niepan sutra and of Zhiyi's three-cause buddha-nature theory and did not attempt to dissolve discrepancies. This may have posed a problem for Guanding, as it is also visible in his approach of seemingly continuing Zhiyi's conception of sanshen 三身 (three-bodies of the Buddha)in accounting for the commentaries on the Eternity chapter of the Lotus Sutra 法華経, while in actuality, rendering a two-body conception of Buddha.
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  • 通相三観の一考察
    宮部 亮侑
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 604-607,1244
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.604
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    This paper explores how the Tiantai Zhiyi 天台智〓 understands “The Truth of the Middle way 中道の理” using the Weimojing Wenshu (Commentary on the Passages of the Vimalakirti-nirdesa『維摩経文疏』). In this work, Zhiyi explores the idea of tongxiang sanguan 通相三観.
    Tiantai Zhiyi, in his Weimojing Wenshu, understood insistence on nirvana while one turns from samsara to nirvana as “illness”, and understood emptiness as that “illness” as well. Tongxiang sanguan 通相三観 explains the Truth of the Middle Way from the standpoint of emptiness. This research demonstrates the need for further inquiry into Zhiyi's “Three Truths” thought.
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  • 『法華玄義』灌頂私記部分に対する湛然の注釈について
    松森 秀幸
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 608-613,1245
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.608
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    Scholars point out that Jizang's Fahua xuanlun (Treatise on the Profundity of the Lotus Sutra) was referred to when Guanding compiled Zhiyi's lectures on the Lotus Sutra as a book. This paper takes up the parts of the Fahua xuanyi in which the Fahua xuanlun was referred to, considers the relation among Jizang's theory, Guanding's theory and Zhanran's annotation, and clarifies an aspect of Zhanran's understanding of Jizang's theory and Guanding's theory.
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  • 潅頂「記者私録」における吉蔵『法華玄論』との同一例文の一考察
    黄 喩美
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 614-617,1245
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.614
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    As is known to every Buddhist scholar, Guanding quoted the same passage, “有人引釋論會宗品舉十大經雲經大雲經法華經般若最大” in his Jizhe silu, an appendix to Chapter 10 of Fahua xuanyi as Jizang did in Chapter 3 of his Fahuaxuan lun as: “釋論解問乗品云(中略)是摩詞波若經於最大”.
    In his Jizhe silu, Guanding wrote 今謂還是論語專大義. He criticizes and rebuts Jizang for solely using the Da Zhidu lun to comment on the Perfection of Wisdom as the commentary mainly states the two dogmas of “First Essence” and “Expedient Wisdom and True Wisdom 権實二慧”. Guanding pointed out that Jizang had only partially made the three passages interrelated, although they are not exactly, the same. Hence, Guanding quoted the following passage: “會通者。有共般若不共般若。不共般若最大。” He then successfully made the three passages quoted by Jizang closely relevant and interrelated to one another.
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  • 湛然における無情仏性説の一考察
    大久保 良詮
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 618-622,1246
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.618
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    Zhanran is well known for his emphasison on the idea that “non-sentient existence has buddha-dhatu”. In this paper, I study this idea.
    Based on previous appsoaches of scholars, there appear to be two basic methods possible, either to look for the roots of Zhanran's idea in Chinese thought, or in Buddhist thought. I follow the second course, because I believe the formation of Zhanran's thinking lies within Tiantai doctrine. Specifically, it is necessarily drawn directly from the Tiantai doctrine of “Zhiguan fuxing.” Moreover, the idea that “non-sentient existence has buddhadhatu” emphasized in the Jingang bei can be also regarded its development.
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  • 湛然の「随縁説」に関する一考察
    劉 雅亭
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 623-626,1246
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.623
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    This paper takes up the relation and negotiation between Zhanran's “tathagatagarbha-move along” thought and Fazang's Qixinlun yiji.
    The Tientai School was built on “The true form of all things as they are,” but it began to approach Huayen tathagatagarbha thought from the middle of the Tang dynasty. I tried to prove that the Tientai School's central theory was based on “The union of two phenomena,” rather than tathagatagarbha thought by comparing the Zhanran's “tathagatagarbha-move along” thought with Fazang's tathagatagarbha thought in his Qixinlun yiji. The most important part in Zhanran's thought is that it always follows the principle that “Worldly desires are not different from Bodhi, life-and-death or transmigration is also not different from nirvana.” Zhanran's thought is different from Fazang's “tathagatagarbha-move along” thought that has a dynamic meaning for the arising of all phenomena accordingly.
    My conclusion is that Zhanran's “tathagatagarbha-move along” thought is not really “move along” because it didn't act according to the reality of dependent origination.
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  • 元曉の三昧と懺悔観-天台智〓の法華三昧と関連づけて-
    金 貞男
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 627-630,1247
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.627
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    The aim of this paper is to discuss the relationships between Non-arising Samadhi and Non-arising Repentance, which was discussed in Wonhyo's (617-686) Taesung Yukchong chámhoe (大乗六情懺悔 The Mahayana Six senseorgans Repentance) and Kumgang Sammaegyong-ron (金剛三昧経論 The Annotation of The Diamond Samadhi Sutra), as well as to try to compare The Meditation in Precepts and Immediate manner (円頓止観) in the Samadhi of the Lotus Sutra, which is pointed out in the Mohe Zhiguan (摩訶止観) by Zhiyi (智〓), with the Contemplation of Non-arising Repentance.
    Wonhyo's Samadhi taught in his Taesung Yukchong chámhoe just means Dream Samadhi (如夢三昧). In his Kumgang Sammaegyong-ron, ‘the Diamond’, in its title is the expression of attaining the Samadhi stage. This kind of Mahayana thought, which was taught in the Taesung Yukchong chámhoe as the Dream Samadhi, is similar in meaning to attaining the Non-arising stage. This is justly expressed as in the one mind and one reality-principle (一心一如). In another instance, on repentance in his Taesung Yukchong chámhoe mainly derived from Zhiyi having attaining the Samadhi of the Lotus Sutra. In another words, two stages, repentance both of based on noumenal principle and on mode of existence, are included in the Non-arising repentance. So we can say that Wonhyo's thought on Non-arising Samadhi and Non-arising repentance belong to the same system with the practice concept on the Meditation in Precepts and Immediate manner and the Contemplation of Non-arising Repentance. It is also said that it based on the middle way that is the reality of all thing and the repentance in the one vehicle.
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  • 迦才『浄土論』の仏身仏土論の背景
    松尾 得晃
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 631-634,1247
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.631
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    Jiacai demonstrated that the transformed lands exist in Amida's Pure Land in order that ordinary people may be able to attain birth there. Concerning this, three points may be made:
    1. In those days, Buddhists paid attention to the Buddhist path and salvation for ordinary people.
    2. Those who believe in Maitreya encouraged people to attain birth in Maitreya's Pure Land.
    3. There were some disputes between those who believed in Maitreya and those who believed in Amida Buddha over the attainment of birth by ordinary people.
    It can be said that the disputes with those who belonged to the Faxiang school over the attainment of birth by ordinary people had great influence on Jiacai's view on the Buddha-bodies and lands.
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  • 興福寺の撲揚講について
    多川 文彦
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 635-639,1248
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.635
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    ‘Bokuyo-ko (撲揚講)’ is one of the religious meetings held by Kofuku-ji Temple. So far, researches have not paid enough attention to each individual meeting. For, historical materials are not easily available. I investigated the materials to clarify how ‘Bokuyo-ko’ were held. Detailed reading of the materials threw light on many aspects of the meetings. I have found that ‘Bokuyo-ko’ constitutes an important educational process for young priests. In addition, I have introduced the Bokuyo-ko-hyobyaku (撲揚講表白) used in ‘Bokuyo-ko’.
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  • 凝然の戒律思想-特に『起信論』の影響について-
    大谷 由香
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 640-644,1248
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.640
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    It has been suggested that (i) Daoxuan (道宣), (ii) Yuanzhao (元照) and (iii) the Huayan school (華厳) may have influenced the formulation of Gyonen's (凝然) conception of the Precepts.
    (i) Insofar as the Three Undefiled Precepts are seen to bring about the Three Buddha Bodies, Gyonen's understanding of the Precepts is in accord with that of Dao-xuan; however, Gyonen does not limit his account to a mere decription of Daoxuan's position.
    (ii) Gyonen shares in common with Yuanzhao the view that the causal relationship between the Three Precepts and the Three Buddha Bodies may be extrapolated to other triadic Buddhist formulae. However, it can be seen that Gyonen does not adopt the same triadic formulae which Yuanzhao uses, choosing instead to follow Fazang's (法蔵) commentary on the Awakening of Faith (起信論).
    (iii) However, apart from the commentary on the Awakening of Faith, Gyonen does not draw upon the Huayan school elsewhere to explain the Three Precepts, thus making it impossible to definitively assert the overall influence of Huayan thought upon Gyonen's conception of the Precepts.
    All of this would suggest that these none of these three possible candidates can be properly determined as precedents for Gyonen's formulation. Rather, Gyonen would seem to draw predominantly upon the Tathagatagarbha doctrine in the formulation of his conception of the Precepts; Fazang's commentary on the Awakening of Faith is utilised as a means of providing him with the authority to do so.
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  • 薬師寺長朗の華厳思想について
    金 天鶴
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 645-651,1249
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.645
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    The Kegon 華厳 school based at the temple Yakushiji 薬師寺 had from the time of Choro 長朗 clearly evolved through a strained relationship in terms of philosophical thinking with the Kegon school based at Todaiji 東大寺, and this continued during the time of Choro's disciple Gisho 義聖. The Gokyosho chukan shuji gi shiki 五教章中巻種子義私記, a manuscript preserved at Todaiji, contains passages from Gisho's no-longer-extant Shuji gi shiki 種子義私記 in which a monastery superior (jogo 上綱) thought to correspond to Choro is quoted fourteen times. In this paper, I examine the meaning of “dependent on conditions” with regard to “coexistence” in the six kinds of causes. As a result, it has become clear that, according to Choro, result and condition are deemed to be identical, and this interpretation differs from the position of the Kegon school at Todaiji, which interpreted “dependent on conditions” in terms of the three kinds of conditions. Lastly, I suggest that this view of Choro's may have derived from the thought of Uisang 義湘 of Silla 新羅.
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  • 九世紀日本における仏教的天皇観について
    工藤 美和子
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 652-656,1250
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.652
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    The role of emperors in the ninth century as described in six Japanese history was to remove disaster and maintain a peaceful nation by conducting a Confucian government and leading a Buddhist state. One approach is that of Michizane who in his Ganmon advocates that while ruling an emperor cannot rightly benefit others, but that after abdication, renouncing the world such benefit is possible. Further, it was thought that after death one would continue one's bodhisattva practice. One did not wish for the death of an emperor, but memorial services aided him in his postmortem bodhisattva practice.
    At the beginning of the tenth century, according to the Ganmon, the Emperor came to be compared to Shakyamuni, and a reincarnation of eminent Chinese monks. In the period of cloister government, he comes to be seen as an incarnation of Dainichi Nyorai. We can discover the germ of this Buddhisization in the ninth century poetry of Michizane.
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  • 金剛寺蔵十六巻本『仏名経』について
    三宅 徹誠
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 657-661,1250
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.657
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    Recently, a unique example of the first juan of the 16 juan Foming jing with attached explanation and ritual directions was discovered in the Kongoji in Kawachi-Nagao City. Since it refers to the Jingang boruo jing zanshu 金剛般若経賛述 and the Jingang boruo yiji 金剛般若義記, it seems that it was written by the person well versed in the Jingang boruo jing (Vajracchedika Prajñaparamita sutra) 金剛般若経. Moreover, there are several portions which mention the number of the scrolls of this sutra and the total of the names of buddhas in it. Such descriptions are seldom seen in Chinese commentaries. There is a strong possibility that the method of the ceremony was written in Japan, because there are similarities to later documents about the ceremony of the Buddha names in Japan.
    On the whole it seems to be the middle of composing the program of the ceremony for the Buddha names, so I think both the explanation portion and the method portion were written by the same person. Therefore the author seems to have been one familiar with the Jingang boruo jing who added the explanation and the method of the ceremony sometime between the 9th century and Kamakura-period (12th-14th century) in Japan.
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  • 順性房高信と頼瑜-頼瑜教学に与えた高山寺系密教学の影響-
    野呂 靖
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 662-666,1251
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.662
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    Junshobo-Koshin (順性房高信), a disciple of Myoe 明恵, wrote the Rokudaimuge gisho (六大無碍義抄) in 1247. Of the works of the disciples of Myoe, this book is the only document which offers an interpretation of the Sokusin jobutsu-gi (即身成仏義). Three versions of Junshobo-Koshin's Rokudaimuge gisho survive in manuscript form: the version contained in the Kozan-ji collection, that contained in the Shinpuku-ji collection, and the version held by Kyoto University Library. Five years after he composed his Rokudaimuge gisho, Raiyu completed his Sokushin jobutsu-gi Kentokusho (即身成仏義顕得鈔). Due to the fact that he quotes extensively from the Sokushin jobutsu gisyo (即身成仏義章) of Kakuban (覚金), it has been assumed that the latter provided Raiyu with his major source. The Sokushin jobutsu-gi Kentokusho, however, is a highly complex work which builds on Raiyu's own thought and the works of others. Thus, it is incorrect to suppose that the entirety of the work is derived from Raiyu's own thought. On the basis of a comparison between the Rokudaimuge gisho and the Sokushinjobutsu-gi Kentokusho, it will be argued in this paper that Raiyu's earlier interpretation of the Sokushin jobutsu-gi was instead shaped by the esoteric Buddhism he studied at Kozan-ji temple.
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  • 安然教学における仏身観-三輪身との関連について-
    大谷 欣裕
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 667-670,1251
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.667
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    The theory of the ‘Threefold Circle-Body’ (三輪身) refers to the three kinds of buddhakaya: ‘xixing-lun-shen’ (自性輪身) denotes the tathagata; ‘zhengfa-lun-shen’ (正法輪身) denotes the bodhisattva; and ‘jiaoling-lun-shen’ (教令輪身) denotes the vidyaraja. Of these, zhengfa-lun-shen and jiaoling-lun-shen are described in the Prajñaparamitanayasatapañcasatika (般若理趣釈) and the Renwang-niansong-yigui (仁王念誦儀軌), both of which were translated by Amoghavajra (不空); xizing-lun-shen can be found in the She-wuai jing (摂無礙経). Although the ‘Threefold Circle-Body’ theory was developed in Japan, it is thought to have not yet been properly formulated until the time of Kakuban (覚〓). However, Annen (安然), who established Tendai esoteric Buddhism (台密) in Japan, uses the term ‘Twofold Circle-Body,’ (二種輪身) in connection with the tathagata, as well as referring to the ‘Threefold Circle,’ in his major work, the Bodaishingi sho (菩提心義抄). Until now, it has been supposed that the ‘Threefold Circle-Body’ had not yet been developed by the time of Annen, as it has been assumed that the ‘Three-Circle’ model described by Annen is unrelated to the ‘Threefold Circle-Body’. In this paper, however, it will be argued that Annen's model is indeed greatly related to the formation of the theory of the ‘Threefold Circle-Body’. To this end, we shall take into consideration the relation between the tathagata, bodhisattva and vidyaraja in Annen's theory of buddhakaya, as well as its influence upon later thinkers.
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  • 『五輪九字明秘密釈』における「五輪門」と「九字門」の関係について
    魚川 祐司
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 671-674,1252
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.671
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    Kogyo Daishi Kakuban's (1095-1143) Gorin kuji myo himitsushaku is often interpreted as the work in which he try to synthesize Shingon esoteric Buddhism and Pure land Buddhism. But how did he do it? In this paper, through analyzing the relation between chapter about the gorin (五輪) and chapter about the kuji (九字) in the Gorin kuji myo himitsushaku, I consider how Kakuban assimilated Pure land Buddhism into Shingon esoteric Buddhism.
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  • 頼宝撰『身心本元鈔』における心業解釈
    千葉 正
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 675-678,1253
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.675
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    In his Shinjin Hongen Sho (身心本元鈔), the 14th Century Shingon Esoteric Buddhism Monk Raiho (頼宝) debated whether or not the body or the mind is the basis of enlightenment.
    Therefore, my aim here is to examine in what way the Shinjin Hongen Sho portrayed the Zen School. To date, Raiho's views on the Zen sect have not been explored.
    In this work, Raihho decided that the doctrine of ‘the body as the basis of enlightenment’ is the basic doctrine of the Shingon (真言) sect.
    Raiho classified the other five schools (the Hosso 法相, Sanron 三論, Tendai 天台, Kegon 華厳, and Jodo 浄土) as schools which establish the mind as the basis of enlightenment.
    Further, Raiho's line of thought as a Shingon monk is unique in that he considered not only the Zen School but also the Jodo School.
    My conclusion is that the Shinjin Hongen Sho judges the Zen sect as having established the mind as the basis for enlightenment.
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  • 『天台真言二宗同異章』における証真の「本覚」理解
    三浦 和浩
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 679-682,1253
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.679
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    In his Tendai Shingon Nishu Doi sho, Hocchi-bo Shoshin (宝地房証真) uses the term hongaku (‘Original Enlightenment’) in two different senses: firstly, within the context of ‘honrai-jikaku-butsu’ (本来自覚仏) to denote the dharmakaya (‘Dharma-body’); and, secondly, within the context of ‘hongaku-bussho’ (本覚仏性) to denote buddhata (‘Buddha-nature’). However, Shoshin accepts honrai-jikaku-butsu not from the standpoint of Actuality (事, ji) but rather merely from the standpoint of Principle (理, ri), and he argues for the identity of the Tendai teaching of Perfection with Shingon esotericism (円密一致, enmitsu-icchi). He does so by taking the Lotus Sutra's conception of the Buddha as dharmakaya to be the true intention of the Teaching of Perfection as well as the true meaning of the Tendai teaching. Yet, at the same time, Shoshin appears to contradict himself by denying honrai-jikaku-butsu. For in his Hokke-Gengi-Shiki, he instead takes the Buddha as described in the Lotus Sutra to be merely sambhogakaya. This would suggest that when it is necessary to identify the Tendai teachings with Shingon, Shoshin accepts hongaku from the standpoint of Principle, in an actual positive rather than merely potential sense, despite this contradiction between his two works. This paper argues that it is for this reason that Shoshin, despite regarding the Buddha as merely sambhogakaya, was nonetheless forced to clearly assert that the Buddha as dharmakaya did indeed consitute the true understanding of the Tendai teaching.
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  • 証真による『註仁王護国般若波羅蜜経』の受容について
    松本 知己
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 683-686,1254
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.683
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    In this paper I focus on Hojibo-Shoshin's study of the Renwang huguo boruojing shu. Shoshin often quotes this text in his Sandaibu-shiki (三大部私記). It is generally supposed that Guanding wrote the commentary according to Zhiyi's lectures. However, in fascicle 6 of the Hokkegengi-shiki (法華玄義私記), Shoshin denies the opinion that Guanding wrote the Renwang huguo boruojing shu and follows ideas from the Chu-Ninno gokoku hannyaharamitsu kyo (註仁王護国般若波羅蜜経) attributed to Saicho instead. The Chu-Ninno gokoku hannyaharamitsu kyo is almost identical with the Renwang huguo boruojing shu written by Jizang. On the assumption that Saicho copied Jizang's work, Shoshin opposes the Renwang huguo boruojing shu on the basis of this authorial issue. This is a good example to indicate Shoshin's intention to attach greater importance to the contents of the views than their author.
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  • 源信撰『要法文』の撰述年次について
    上杉 智英
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 687-690,1254
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.687
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    Previously, it was considered that the Yo homon 要法文 by Genshin 源信 (942-10117) can be dated to Year 2 of the Kanna Era 寛和二年 (i. e. 986) on the basis of the colophon appended to the most widely spread edition of the text. However, a different recension of the text found in the collection of the Kanazawa Bunko (Kanagawa Pref.) contains a colophon dated Year 7 of the Kanko Era 寛弘七年 (1010). The necessity to re-examine the composition date of the Yo homon has already been pointed out, but no philological investigation into this problem has been undertaken so far. In this paper, I take into consideration old manuscripts of the text which have not been studied hitherto. On the basis of a comparative analysis of these manuscripts, I conclude that the Yo homon must have been compiled in Year 7 of the Kanko Era (1010), which calls for a revision of the previously accepted date.
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  • 弁長・良忠における『往生要集』理解について
    那須 一雄
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 691-697,1255
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.691
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    In the Ojoyoshu, Genshin places the contemplative nembutsu in a superior position to its vocal recitation. He considers the contemplative practice, represented by the absolute and phenomenal nembutsu, to be the highest form of nembutsu practice. Genshin does not consider the recitation to be the most significant Pure Land practice.
    On the other hand, Honen establishes his teaching as the sole practice of nembutsu recitation following Shandao's idea of “establishing faith through practice” in his Guanjing sitie shu, sanshanyi. Based on his understanding of nembutsu, Honen reinterprets Genshin's Ojoyoshu. Honen does not consider the other types of nembutsu discussed in the text, such as the contemplative nembutsu, three kinds of ritual protocols, and the visualization of the Buddha, to be very important practices.
    Bencho and Ryochu, the second and third patriarchs of the Jodo Shu, continue Honen's position and interpret the Ojoyoshu through their master's understanding of nembutsu. However, they also emphasize the significance of the other types of nembutsu―the contemplative nembutsu, the three kinds of ritual protocols, and the visualization of the Buddha―which had been ignored by Honen. Further, they recognize the possibility of birth in the Pure Land through practices other than recitation.
    While developing their doctrinal positions, these two masters must have read the Ojoyoshu rather literally, distinct from Honen's position. In order to justify their interpretations, however, they apply the concept of “contingently right acts” discussed in Honen's Senchakushu.
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  • 信一念と信の覚不について
    紅楳 英顕
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 698-704,1256
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.698
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    During the Tokugawa era, “the Sango wakuran incident” occurred in the Nishihongwanji sect.
    At that time, awareness of Shinjin in the first moment of Shinjin was declared not to be a Shin-Buddhist doctrine.
    But I think awareness is part of Shinjin itself. As Shinran said “Now that I have entered the Sea of the Vow once and for all, I deeply acknowledge the Buddha's Benevolence” (Kyogyoshinsho, Transformed Buddha and Land Chapter), “What a joy it is that I place my mind in the soil of the Buddha's Universal Vow and I let my thoughts flow into the sea of the Inconceivable Dharma.” (Kyogyoshinsho, Transformed Buddha and Land Chapter).
    I would like to clarify this point.
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  • 「信巻」讃嘆門釈の意義-曇鸞から道綽への思想的展開を通して-
    小笠原 智秀
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 705-708,1256
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.705
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    The significance of the comment on the Gate of Praise in Tanluan's Commentary on the Treatise on the Pure Land lies in its expression of the awakening of questioning of the religious subject within sentient beings through the completion of the practice of the recitation of the name of the Buddha, which satisfies all aspirations and destroys the darkness of ignorance. Further, the comment, by drawing out Daochuo's interpretation in the second chapter of his Collection of Passages on [the Land of] Bliss, led Shinran to realize that Vasubandhu's expression, “I, with single mind,” is the completion of the three minds of the Original Vow, which caused Shinran to write his questions and answers regarding the three minds of the Original Vow and Vasubandhu's single mind in the “Chapter on Faith.”
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  • 親鸞の『観経』三心観-「化身土巻」の問答を手がかりとして-
    青木 玲
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 709-712,1257
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.709
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    In this paper, through a consideration of Shinran's questions and answers regarding the difference and the singularity of the three minds of the Larger Sutra and the three minds of the Contemplation Sutra in Keshindo no maki of his Kyogyoshinsho, I will attempt to clarify the problem of faith that he discovered in the three minds of the Contemplation Sutra.
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  • 存覚『報恩記』の報恩
    聖徳太子御書井善光寺如来御返報を中心に
    龍口 恭子
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 713-719,1257
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.713
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    Zonkaku (1290-1373) was a great-great-grandchild of Shinran, the founder of the Jodoshin sect. He traveled throughout Japan, and wrote many books to spread Shinran's doctrine. The Hoonki is one of Zonkaku's works.
    In my previous paper I analyzed the motive of his book. He insisted in it that filial piety in Buddhism is better than filial piety in Confucianism. This is because in Confucianism filial piety causes happiness in this life, but in Buddhism filial piety causes happiness in this life and the life to come. And Nembutsu is the best form of filial piety.
    In this paper I will analyze the tale “The correspondence between Shotoku-Taishi and Zenkoji-Nyorai.” This tale was well-known in medieval times. Amida-hijiri holymen spread the story to many areas.
    Zonkaku used this tale as an example of memorial services for transfering merit. He insisted that we should perform such memorial services to repay indebtedness.
    However, his thought was not the same as Shinran's. For Zonkaku, merittransferance memorial services were a means to an end to spread Shinran's doctrine.
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  • 存覚の罪悪観
    高瀬 大宣
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 720-723,1258
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.720
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    How, according to Shinran and Zonkaku, do we recognize sin? For Shinran, sin is first made known by Amida Buddha. For Zonkaku, sin is something of which beings become self-aware. Amida Buddha's grace transcends one's self-awareness of sin. We should directly experience truth through religious experience, not intellectually like Shinran.
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  • 承応の鬩牆の一試論
    藤田 真証
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 724-727,1258
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.724
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    The central issue in the fraternal quarrel of the Joo period (1652-1655) is whether Saigin's thought deviated toward solipsism. At present this problem has not been sufficiently explored. Here I would like to examine the controversy on the basis of a document Saigin appears to have written earlier, namely the Fumonbonsho. There are insufficent materials upon which to base a comparison with Saigin's later thought, but it does seem that the quarrel had a serious impact. For this reason, the Fumonbonsho is an important source, and valuable for the development of Shinshu doctrine.
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  • 阿闍世のスピリチュアルな苦しみ
    打本 未来
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 728-732,1258
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.728
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    Ajatasatru who appears in the Kyogyosyo monrui has a spiritual pain. Ajatasatru was able to overcome his spiritual pain thanks to Jiva and the Buddha's assistance and empathy.
    Spiritual caring does not have the mission of giving a answer, but rather helping a person to be able to face suffering.
    Modern people consider a good death to involve reconciliation with someone. However, to live and die bearing one's sin without reconciliation also has meaning.
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  • 『万善同帰集』の文献史的考察
    椎名 宏雄
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 733-741,1259
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.733
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    The Wanshantongguiji in three (or six) fascicles is a work compiled from the point of view of Chan-Pure Land syncretism by Yongming Yanshou (904-975); it was printed repeatedly, at least 25 times. Having investigated most of these printings, its historical development becomes clear. It is to be placed after the Zongjinglu, and was often printed in Jiangnan.
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  • 平安時代の禅籍
    真福寺蔵延久五年写『厭世論』
    落合 俊典
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 742-750,1259
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.742
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    A manuscript of the Enseiron (厭世論) was found in the Shinpukuji's (真福寺) manuscript collection. The text appears to be a Zen work composed in Japan during the Heian period by Seishi-Hosshi (斉志法師). The manuscript dates from the 5th year of the Enkyu (延久) Era (year 1073AD) of the Heian Period. The scripture belongs to the doctrinal literature of Zen Buddhism, and its author, Seishi-Hosshi, underlines the importance for ascetics to read and study Zen works (達磨蔵). Despite the fact that I carried out investigations on the author, his life and activities remain unknown. The discovery of this manuscript raises questions regarding the traditional view that Zen Buddhism was introduced to Japan by Zen Masters Nonin (能忍), Eisai (栄西), and Dogen during the Kamakura (鎌倉) period.
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  • 『正法眼蔵』における行仏の思想
    粟谷 良道
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 751-756,1259
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.751
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    There are some declarations by elder scholars who have interpreted the rules of practice by Dogen as “Butsugyo (Buddha's practice).” I suppose that “Butsugyo” must be interpreted as the rules of mental attitude for the practicer.
    Dogen has recognized the rules of practice as the deed of Buddha, and expressed the practice by using the word “Gyobutsu.” This view of Dogen has been shown in his work, “Shobogenzo.”
    Dogen has never described the rules of practice as “Butsugyo,” but has emphasized practicing the rules of practice based on sitting meditation. In order to emphasize this point, he has used the word “Gyobutsu.”
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  • 鳳潭の『鉄壁雲片』にみられる禅理解について-曹洞偏正五位と六即を中心に-
    王 芳
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 757-760,1260
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.757
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    The career of the scholar monk Soshun Hotan 僧濬鳳潭 (1659-1738) can be regarded as an epitome of the Buddhism during the 1650s to 1750s of the Edo period. For eight years he worked with the Obaku Zen master Tetsugen 鉄眼 and assisted in printing and publishing the Obaku edition of the Tripitaka. Later he traveled around famous temples to collect old Buddhist texts, and studied Kegon and Tendai doctrines. He claimed himself as a Kegon monk who had inherited the tradition of Fazang, although his Kegon studies were marked by a very strong Tendai coloration. In his work Iron Wall with Cloud Scraps 『鉄壁雲片』, a critical tract against The Record of the Blue Cliff 『碧巌録』, he employed the Tendai notion of six stages 六即 to interpret the fivefold relations of absolute and relative 曹洞偏正五位 of Soto Zen in an original way. Focusing on this original exegesis, this paper reveals that, on the one hand, Hotan affirms the stages of practice, while on the other hand, he emphasizes the nature of original realization 本証 that the fivefold relations have, and maintains that every stage is identical with Buddha in the ultimate sense.
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  • 翻刻された近世寺院日鑑の活用方法について
    古賀 克彦
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 761-767,1260
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.761
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    In recent years, there has been extensive publication of reprints of historical records pertaining to Modern-Period temples. They are published in various forms, such as as supplementary materials for the official history of local communities and reports of the study of old manuscripts carried out by groups of citizens and scholars. This paper proposes an investigation of how to utilize these book-format historical materials with such titles as ‘daily record’ and ‘diary.’ As is well known, previous studies have limited their scope either to one Buddhist sect or one temple. And although the shortcomings of such a practice have been pointed out, there do not seem to be any deviations from this practice. It should be made clear that these materials contain not only the records of annual events and private life but also those of an official nature pertaining to the Government, Imperial Court and Head Temple. As such, it is proposed that they may be used to provide a synchronic record of Modern Period Japanese history.
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  • 井上円了の教育観
    哲学館を中心にして
    高山 秀嗣
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 768-773,1261
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.768
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    Inoue Enryo (1858-1919) explains the purpose of the Tetsugakkan (Philosophy Academy), which he founded in September of Meiji 20, in the following manner: “Firstly, it is for those who are studying at an older age and wish to learn quickly; secondly, it is for those who are too poor to enter a university; thirdly, it is for those who cannot read philosophical texts (and such subjects) in their original Western languages.” In other words, Inoue created this academy to teach philosophy and Buddhist thought to the masses.
    This is particularly evinced through Inoue's creation of a distance learning program, which was designed to spread these teachings throughout Japan. Further, lectures at the academy were published, allowing for people to study at home.
    Inoue also intended that the academy would be a training ground for religious leaders and educators who intended to spread Buddhist teachings to the general population. Inoue, who felt the need to revamp Buddhism so that it was able to meet the needs of the modern age, felt that educating Buddhists was the foremost priority.
    Along with the goal of creating well-rounded individuals, Inoue also saw that this education would contribute to the nation itself. Inoue's percipience can be noted in the founding of this academy, and his ideas concerning the nation and society can be seen as coming to fruition at this point in his life.
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