印度學佛教學研究
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55 巻, 2 号
選択された号の論文の94件中51～94を表示しています
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  • 建築論書にみえる職人の職掌と職能
    出野 尚紀
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 788-784,1262
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.788
    ジャーナル フリー
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    The purpose of this paper is to analyze the dutes and abilities of the silpin (artisan) in two texts of southern Indian architecure. The first text is the Mayamata, which was written between the ninth century and twelfth century in Tamil Nadu, and the second is the Silparatna, which was written during the sixteenth century in Orissa. The word silpin is a general term for these four kind of workmen, i. e. sthapati (architect), sutragrahin (draftsman), vardhaki (carpenter) and taksaka (wood-cutter).
    I compared the contents of duties and indispensable abilities of the silpin described in sthapati-laksana (artisans' regulations). As a result, it will be naturally assumed that the Silparatna was written practically based on the descriptions of the Mayamata, also because of compositional similalities of both text.
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  • Gargasamhita 第39章について
    熊谷 孝司
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 795-789,1262
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.795
    ジャーナル フリー
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    This is a study of the Gargasamhita (GSamh) on divination, astrology or science literature.
    J. Mitchiner has researched the Yuga Purana which derives from the GSamh. He argues that the original text of the GSamh was written in Brahmi script on the evidence of confusions between stha and scha. There are, however, some confusions between sa and ma. So, we should consider that the GSarph might originally have been written in Sarada script.
    He infers that MSS. P was copied either directly from MSS. A or else from the same earlier manuscript as that from which A was copied. This inference is supported by the same confusion of folios between A and P (cf. Table).
    We can notice there may be a close connection among the GSamh, the Brhatsamhita (BrhSamh) and the Atharvavedaparisista (AVParis). For instance, Varahamihira, the author of the BrhSamh, and some Puranas explain that extraordinary natural phenomena (utpata) are caused by person's sin. On the other hand a similar explanation is found in the GSamh: “Extraordinary natural phenomena are caused by the king's sin.”
    I bring forward the text and a Japanese translation of GSamh 39.8 Jayavaikrta.
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  • 究極の agnihotra (1)
    Vadhula-Anvakhyana II 13
    阪本(後藤) 純子
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 804-796,1263
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.804
    ジャーナル フリー
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    The agnihotra, daily evening and morning offering of milk, is a lifelong duty of those who have placed the sacred fires. The prevalence of this rite among the Ksatriyas, engaged in fights and expeditions, encountered a problem of oblation in the case that no milk (or other substitutes) was found. A dialogue on this question between King Janaka and Yajñavalkya (Vajasaneya) is transmitted in four versions, which are divided as follows: 1) Satapatha-Brahmana (Madhyandina) XI 3, 1, Satapatha-Brahmana (Kanva) III 1, 4, Jaiminiya-Brahmana I 19f.; 2) Vadhala-Anvakhyana II 13. A philological and comparative examination of the texts reveals that VadhAnv II 13 has remodeled the original dialogue in various points. The most remarkable is Vajasaneya's last answer which has been totally changed according to JB I 22 and SB (M) II 3, 1, 36, so that Vajasaneya teaches to Janaka a manner of offering opposed to his own theory recorded in SB. VadhAnv ultimately rejects furthermore this teaching. Thus it is supposed that VadhAnv has intentionally transformed and utilized the dialogue in order to exhibit its superiority to the Vajasaneyin school (SB) with a strong sense of rivalry against this.
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  • 荷車と小屋住まい: SB salám as
    後藤 敏文
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 809-805,1263
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.809
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    salá- (n.) ‘living in a hut’, a derivative from sala- ‘hut, house, hall’ (AV+) occurs only twice in the Satapathabrahmana in a usage opposed to Enas- ‘cart’ which represents the nomadic way of life. salám as ‘to be in the hut’ and cakrám car ‘to travel with the wheel’ are the expressions for ‘to live sedentary’ and ‘to follow the nomadic life in carts and chariots’, respectively (VI 8, 1, 1). The other occurrence reports that the nomadic lifestyle reflects the custom in former days which people imitate in the ritual, and the settled one the later (I 1, 2, 5).
    The peculiar expressions cakrám car and salám as are important also from the linguistic viewpoint. K. HOFFMANN pointed out the construction idám bhu/as ‘to become/be ruling, controlling over something’ (Aufsätze II 557-559). The noun appearing with bhu and as (almost always in n. sg.) is a nominative according to him. But salám as points to another solution.
    cakrám car is obviously an expression with an Inhaltsakkusativ (an inner acc., in this case a cognate one), going back to the earlier period when the etymological relation of cakrá- ‘wheel’ (PIE. *kwé-kwl-o-) to the root car ‘to roll, move’ (<*kwel) was still alive. In the Brahmana a sentence with instrumental cakréna ‘by the wheel’ was necessarily added. This phrase cakrám car points to the possibility to interpret also salám as as a construction of as ‘to be’ with an Inhaltsakk. The idám as/bhu construction could be, in general, explained as such. Also the fact that there is no example found for the verb's accord with. predicative noun in number in this constrution (Goto, Gs. Schindler 137) supports this interpretation, for the verb is then a full verb ‘to be, to exist’ or ‘to appear’.
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  • Syena 祭について
    里見 英一郎
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 813-810,1264
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.813
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    The Syena ritual is a sort of Soma-(offering)-type srauta-ritual, and belongs to the ‘Sadyaskra’ group, distinctive of its short term. This ritual is a modificatory type (vikrti), contrasted to the standard type (prakrti), viz. Jyotistomaritual.
    The Syena ritual was well known in the Mimamsa literature by its imprecational use. But its entire picture is rarely grasped by modern scholars, because of the fragmented descriptions of such modificatory types as this in the Vedic ritual literature. This study aims to present the outline of the Syena ritual by piecing together the fragmented descriptions of it among the Srautasutras. This paper focuses on the ritualistic facilities of the Syena ritual. From the selection of a sacrificial arena (devayajana) to the squeezing and offering of ‘soma’ (ksullabhisavana), the characteristic unlucky utensils of this rite are cited one by one, contrastively with the standard (prakrti) type. In the ritualistic context of the Syena ritual, a word and a matter have the same value of existence, so arrangement of matter is equal to that of word. The principle of grasping by name (namagraha) was also adopted in order to form an imaginary causal link to the enemy's death within this rite.
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  • 祭式で虚偽を語ってはならないのは何のためか-定動詞表示と文脈-
    吉水 清孝
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 820-814,1265
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.820
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    On the fourth section of the Mimamsasutra 3.4, Kumarila gives an extensive commentary whereby he criticizes the view that a finite verb denotes an agent. The original theme of this section, however, is to determine whether the Vedic injunction “One should not tell an untruth” (nanrtam vadet) embedded in the chapter of the new and full moon sacrifices prescribes a mode of performing a sacrifice or enjoins one to follow one's duty as a human being. The present paper elucidates how the linguistic discussion started by Sabara and developed by Kumarila with regard to a finite verb is related to the original theme of this section. Sabara and Kumarila have recourse to a grammatical maxim “A base (prakrti) and a suffix (pratyaya) express the meaning of the suffix together.” Patañjali quotes this maxim once with a modification of its meaning, and Paniniyas do not recognize the general validity of this maxim by confining its application to the rules of suffixes. Following Astadhyayi 3.4.69 and this maxim, however, the opponent of Kumarila asserts that the personal ending of “vadet” indicates an agent as the main element of the meaning of this verb. Kumarila, in retort, emphasizes that the agent of a Vedic sacrifice is an agent of the thinking prior to an action (buddhipurvakarin), who thinks what kind of result is expected to follow the action (phalasankalpana). If, by its personal suffix, the verb “vadet” denotes an agent to which the act of telling becomes subsidiary, one is inclined to keep away from telling an untruth in order to purify oneself and take the injunction out of context (prakarana) because one does not expect the injunction to have any indirect efficacy that may result from the contribution to the sacrifice. As a result of this self-centered interpretation, however, most injunctions would be prevented from their integration into the text. If, on the other hand, one convincingly refutes the theory that a finite verb denotes an agent, it becomes possible for the verb with a personal ending to denote bhavana, the general form of intentional actions, which requires the purpose (sadhya) and the requisites (itikartavyata) of the action. Both requirements are fulfilled by relevant injunctions within the context of the Veda. By criticizing the opponent's view, Kumarila intends to integrate Vedic injunctions in order to construct a unitary system of the sacrifice.
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  • 『ニヤーヤ・バーシヤ』の刹那滅論批判
    江崎 公児
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 825-821,1266
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.825
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    It is well known that the Buddhist theory of momentariness is refuted in the Nyayasutra 3.2.10-17. However, only a few studies have so far been made on early Naiyayika' refutations of this theory. In the present paper I have examined how Vatsyayana criticizes the proof of momentariness, which Rospatt [1995] has pointed out is similar to that dealt with in the Mahayanasutralamkara and which he calls ‘the deduction of momentariness from change’.
    Although Vatsyayana makes no mention of the proof, he obviously argues against it. For he discusses the following universal concomitance (niyama): All the objects that have a continuous process of growth and decay [no sooner arise than they pass], just like the body (sarvasu vyaktisu upacayapacayaprabandhah sariravad).
    Vatsyayana refutes this universal concomitance by pointing out that the concomitance is not observed in a crystal.
    The important point to note is that Naiyayikas from Uddyotakara on deal mainly with the proof of momentariness from spontaneous destruction (vinasitvanumana), which is also argued in the Mahayanasutralamkara.
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  • 認識と言葉-シヴァ教再認識派と adhyavasayapeksapramanyavadin-
    川尻 洋平
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 830-826,1266
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.830
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    Following Bhartrhari who claims that any knowledge is intertwined with the word, Utpaladeva and Abhinavagupta maintain that light (prakasa) or knowledge (jñana), the essence of the Lord, consists in reflective awareness (vimarsa), which is essentially associated with verbalization (abhilapa). According to Abhinavagupta, this view that any knowledge is intertwined with the word is accepted by Dharmottara, an adhyavasayapeksapramanyavadin or one who holds that direct perception, followed by determination (adhyavasaya), becomes a valid means of knowledge (pramana); the determination consists in verbalization. For the Pratyabhijña school, to be a conceptual cognition means to be a reflective awareness, without which light would be no different from an unconscious reflector of images such as a crystal (IPK 1.5.11); direct perception as conceived by the Buddhist epistemologists, which is distinguished from a conceptual cognition, cannot be a cognition. But a difficulty arises. If it were the case that reflective awareness is interpenetrated with the word, the Pratyabhijña school would have to accept that even the Lord, which is pure consciousness, is connected with conceptual construction (vikalpa), which is impure. This difficulty is cleared up as follows. The reflective awareness ‘I’ of the Lord does not consist in conceptual construction even if it is associated with the word, since the word is the supreme word (pares vac). Moreover, the Lord cannot not be connected with conceptual construction. For, in conceptual construction, there are always what is to be determined (niscetavya), and what is to be excluded (apohitavya); and the Lord, which is not limited by anything, cannot have its counterentity (pratiyogin).
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  • Samaiya 行について
    渡辺 研二
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 837-831,1267
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.837
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    Samaiya is a very important ritual practice in Jaina religion. The monk should have equanimity and should avoid all sinful acts. Samaiya is the first siksa-vrata and the third pratima. At the same time it is one of the six avasyakas. The term samaiya- was first used in the history of Mahavira with reference to a restraint (samjama) undertaken by Mahavira when he renouced the world; there it involved nothing less than the abandonment of all sinful acts. Additionary Kundakunda's Niyamasara mentions the Samaiya-samjama, as do the Avassa Nijjutti and Mulacara VII.
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  • Dhammapada ‘papavagga’に関する一考察-papavagga に説かれる善・悪について-
    加部 富子
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 841-838,1268
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.841
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    This paper is concered with verses in which causes and conditions are concretely discussed. In these verses, good and evil kamma are expounded in contradistinction to each other. I want to throw light on the Dhammapada's characteristic understanding of ‘evil’ and ‘good,’ and their close connection to mind (cetana).
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  • 『出曜経』の成立に関する問題
    平岡 聡
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 848-842,1268
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.848
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    The aim of this paper is to examine the sectarian affiliation of the Chuyao jing (出曜経) through a comparative study of narratives in this sutra and their parallels in other texts. This sutra, like the Faju piyu jing (法句譬喩経) and the Dhammapadatthakatha, consists of two parts, namely verses from the Dhammapada/Dharmapada (or the Udanavarga), and narratives in prose that explain how those verses came to be stated. Although these verses have drawn much attention from scholars, the narratives in prose have been neglected. Shedding some light on the narratives explained in prose, therefore, I found the following three points:
    (1) Some narratives clearly conform only to the tradition of the Sarvastivadins.
    (2) The narrative of Srona Kotivimsa conforms only to the tradition of the Anguttara-Nikaya and the Zengyi ahan jing (増一阿含経).
    (3) The jataka story of the bird, the monkey and the elephant, does not share its tradition with any sect.
    These facts lead us to the possibility that this sutra is a compilation of narratives collected from texts of various sects, rather than those of a single sect.
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  • 原始仏教研究法の検討に基づく五蘊説の考察
    村上 真完
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 856-849,1269
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.856
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    It is to be reconsidered how to study Early Buddhism. I stress the importance of the text-critical investigations and demonstrations.
    It seems peculiar to Buddhism from early on that our human existence is analytically grasped as consisting of five aggregates (khandha), i. e. the sensible (rupa), sensation (vedana), conceptual image (sañña), mental and physical latent forces (samkhara) and cognition (viññana). But there are other orders of aggregates. According to the traditions of the Vedanta, i. e., Sankara and others (ad Brahma-sutra 2.2.18) the order is rupa-vijñana-vedana-samjña-samskara, and according to Jaina-tradition, i. e., Haribhadra-suri (Saddarsana-samuccaya 1.5) it is vijñanam vedana samjña samskaro rupam. Harivarman's Chengshi lun 成実論 (vol. 3, T. 32, No. 1646, 261a7-) which was translated by Kumarajiva in 412 enumerates rupa-vijñana-samjña-vedana-samskara. In the fifth century Buddhaghosa in his Visuddhimagga (PTS ed. 45215-) explained the five aggregates in the same order as that of Sankara's enumeration. So Sankara and others must have had some credible Buddhist sources.
    I investigate original and developed meanings of each of the five aggregates, and lastly consider the original and developed meaning of nama-rupa (name and form) which is looked upon as the cause (samudaya) of cognition (viññana) It means originally name and personal looks, then mind and body, and is explained as being composed of five aggregates or four aggregates except cognition.
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  • パーリ三蔵にみる菩提樹供養
    出家者の役割と菩提樹観
    清水 洋平
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 861-857,1269
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.861
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    In the Pali canonical texts, there exist 26 examples (2 in the Jataka and 24 in the Apadana) that mention worship of the Bodhi tree. In the worship of the Bodhi tree, the renunciants did not do anything by themselves. Rather, while responding to the requests of lay followers, they suggested the worship of the Bodhi tree and played the role of advisor or observer. They taught lay followers the meaning of Bodhi tree worship, and explained to them its significance. It developed in a gradual process as below: Very shortly after the mahaparinibbana of the Buddha, the Bodhi tree was seen ‘the place of reminiscences of the Buddha’. With the passage of time, when the Jataka and the Apadana were written, the Bodhi tree was perceived as ‘the Buddha himself’. As time went on further, when the commentaries were written, the Bodhi tree was accepted as the wisdom of the four-fold path or ‘the enlightenment of the Buddha’.
    In this paper, I refer to some of the literary evidence and discuss how the concept of worship of the Bodhi tree changed with the passage of time, particularly for renunciants.
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  • パーリ文献が記す anupubbikatha の意味
    天野 信
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 866-862,1270
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.866
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    This paper provides an analysis of the anupubbikatha, the Buddha's method of addressing his teaching to the lay community in Pali texts. In the first section, an analysis will be presented of the anupubbikatha which occurs in the biography of the Buddha as contained in the Pali Vinaya (Vinaya. I pp. 1-44). A parallel description occurs in the Dharmaguptaka-Vinaya (四分律) and Mahisasaka-Vinaya (五分律), although the presentation is different. Through a closer examination of this difference, it will be shown that the anupubbikatha is closely related to the Four Noble Truths as described in the Buddha's first sermon. In the second section, it will be seen that the anupubbikatha is used as the Former Buddha's first sermon in the Mahapadnasuttanta (DN. 14, DN. II pp. 1-54). This will allow us to speculate that the value of this sermon gradually increased over the course of the formation of the PAli Canon. Thus, by showing that the anupubbikatha presupposes the description of the Buddha's first sermon, it will be argued that the anupubbikatha takes on the function of presenting the Four Noble Truths, as described in the Buddha's first sermon, in a more intelligible fashion.
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  • 『アビダルマディーパ』における『本論』
    三友 健容
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 875-867,1271
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.875
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    There are many untitled “Sdstras” which are quoted in the Abhidharmadipa, which I will abbreviate here as ≪ADV≫. Needless to say, we can understand what the author of the ADV stands upon by checking these quoted texts.
    There are over 40 examples where Vasubandhu, the author of Abhidharmakosabhasya (AKBh), used “Sastra” in his text. Of these examples, the title of the Prakarana-sastra and the Jñana prasthana are known as the most common. On the other hand, “Sastra” is used in 20 sentences in the ADV. Of these, three refer to texts that are non-Buddhist, and the other 17 examples seem to be quoted from some of the so-called Six pada-sastras.
    I have tried to check the standpoint of the dipakara, the author of the ADV, by researching these quoted “Sastras”. Basically, the dipakara specifically mentions the title of “Sastra” only in reference to the Prajñapti-bhasya, Prakarana-sastra and the Jñana-prasthana. I could not find the titles of Dhatukaya and Vijñana-kaya mentioned anywhere, but I was able to identify sentences quoted from the Abhidharmâvatara, the Prakarana-sastra, the Samgiti-paryaya, the Dharma-skandha, the Jñana-prasthana, the Mahavibhasa, the AKBh, the Nyayanusara and the Samayapradipika by researching the use of the word of sastra. The dipakara even adopted the opinion of the AKBh when the latter represented the correct doctrine of the Sarvastivadin school.
    AKBh refers to “Mahavibhasa” as simply “Vibhasa”, and the masters mentioned there by the term “vaibhasika”. The ADV, however, refers to the same text as “Vaibhasa”. It is not clear why ADV uses this form.
    There are two possibilities why ADV uses the form “Vaibhasa”:
    1) “Vaibhasa” comes from the rule of the Sanskrit grammar which states that when a noun changes its vowel to vrddhi form, it means “that which belongs to or is affiliated with the original noun.” In this case it means texts which belong to “Vibhasa.”
    2) ADV intentionally changed the word used by the dipakara's rival, Vasubandhu, because the dipakara hated him. In fact, the dipakara created many original expressions from words previously used in the AKBh.
    I would like to suggest that the most likely possibility is the first. This would mean simply texts belonging to the Sarvastivadin School, because it is difficult to believe that the dipakara changed the title of the original text.
    The major difference between the ADV and the AKBh is that the dipakara uses texts of the Madhyamika and Yogacaya schools to criticise Mahayana Buddhism.
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  • 三世の設定
    説一切有部と経量部
    現銀谷 史明
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 880-876,1272
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.880
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    The present paper investigates the interpretation of the “Three Time Periods” doctrine of the Vaibhasika and the Sautrantika Following Scriputre in the Abhidharmakosa-bhasya, according to the perspective of the mshims mdzod, the major Tibetan commentary on the Abhidharmakosa. This paper consists of two main parts, the interpretation of Dharmatrata and Vasumitra's assertions, and the description of the Sautrantika Following Scripture's view about past and future periods in the two truths theory. It is pointed out that Dharmatrata's position is from the viewpoint of two truths, and Vasumitra's is from the relation between the entity of existence and its function, while the Sautrantika Follsowing Scripture's negation of substantial entity of past and future is prescribable as mere stipulation, namely conventional truth in the classification of phenomena.
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  • 『毘尼母経』結集記事について
    井上 博文
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 887-881,1272
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.887
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    The purpose of this article is to consider to which sect the Pinimu jing might have belonged. This will firstly involve a comparison of the record of the Buddhist Councils as found in the Pinimu jing with that of the Sifen lü (四分律). Then, the Sapoduo-bu pini modeleqie (薩婆多部毘尼摩得勒伽), which displays features similar to the Pinimu jing, will be compared with the Shisong lü (十誦律). The original Sanskrit title of the Pinimu jing is taken to be ‘Vinaya Matrka.’ However, what its role might have been or why it may have been composed remain unclear. The sect with which it was affiliated is also unknown. The structure of Sutravibhanga is almost the same in each Vinaya, but the Skandhaka is not. There are, moreover, significant differences in the record of the Buddhist Councils between each of the Vinayas. These differences are: (i) the structure of the records; (ii) how the Mahaparinirvanasutra is quoted; (iii) the contents of the Tripitaka; and (iv) the interpretation of dasavastu (十事) in the record of the Second Council and the reason for its rejection. These respective differences have tended to be seen as reflecting individual differences between sects. However, to approach this from a slightly different angle, all four of these aspects outlined above may be utilised to help establish the affiliation of the Pinimu jing as well as other texts whose affiliation remains unknown.
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  • nasana について
    李 慈郎
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 893-888,1273
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.893
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    ‘Nasana,’ a term found in the Vinaya scriptures, seeming to denote one of the most rigorous punishments of banishing a member of Buddhist communities (samgha), has generally been understood as a sanction to be given to those monks or nuns who do not have the conscience of guilt after having committed one of the capital crimes (parajika dhammas). However, this understanding, presupposing the two steps of procedure for applying this rule that a member of the Buddhist community first violates a parajika dhamma and then denies confessing the crime, is, in fact, not in harmony with the accounts in the Vinaya that expressly specify the kinds of offenders this rule should be applied to. They enumerate four sorts of cases: (1) those who have been ordained as full-fledged monks or nuns under false pretences of their state, concealing the fact that they had actually violated the rule of forming an impediment (antarayika-dhamma). (2) Those novices (samanera) who have broken one of the ten rules such as murder, theft, unchastity, dishonesty, drinking, slander against Buddha, Dhamma and Samgha, holding a false opinion, and committing sexual assault upon nuns. Noteworthy in this case is the fact that the novices who adhere to a false opinion are subject to this punishment. (3) Those nuns who abuse monks on no ground for committing sexual intercourse (methunadhamma). (4) Those bhikkhu, bhikkhuni, samanera, samaneri, and sikkhamana who commit the offence of methunadhamma. These accounts, defining the object to which the punishment of nasana is to be applied, clearly show that this rule has, in principle, little to do with the situation of violating the four parajika dhammas and lacking any conscious of guilt.
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  • 「根本説一切有部」という名称について
    八尾 史
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 897-894,1274
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.897
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    The name ‘Mulasarvastivadin,’ accepted by modern scholars as denoting those who handed on the extant Mulasarvastivada-vinaya, has been subject to reconsideration since 1998, when Fumio Enomoto attempted a refutation of the understanding on the ground that the term ‘mula,’ semantically implying ‘the origin, or the orthodoxy, of all denominations,’ is not to be regarded as a term of qualification indicating a different sect from Sarvastivadin, and offered the conclusion that Mulasarvastivadin is nothing other than Sarvasitvadin.
    His argument, clear and accurate in the comprehension of the use of the term ‘mula’ in relevant texts, is still in need of re-examination. The examples afforded by Enomoto merely show that those who follow the compilers of the Mulasarvasivada-vinaya, e. g. Sakyaprabha and Yijing, are in full support of Enomoto in the apprehension of term ‘mula,’ but they do not tell us anything of the fact that the compilers of a different text belonging to the Sarvastivadins, the Shisong lu, for example, regard their own sect as identical with Mulasarvastivadin. On the contrary, the explicit statement by Yijing of the fact that the Shisong lu does not belong to Mulasarvastivadadins adamantly insists on the need to distinguish between these two lines of compilers.
    For differentiating several groups associated with the Sarvastivadins, the name ‘Mulasarvastivadin,’ applied at present exclusively to the group of compilers of the Mulasarvastivada-vinaya, has no room for confusion, whereas the term ‘Sarvastivadin,’ applicable by right to the compilers of all the relevant texts, is misleading if it is to be applied in fact to a specific group, such as the compilers of the Shisong lu. Current studies on the vinayas suggesting the possibility of the existence of different groups of Sarvastivadin must be taken into account: it is the use of ‘Sarvastivadin,’ not that of ‘Mulasarvastivadin,’ that should be subject to careful reconsideration.
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  • 『維摩経』梵本の偈頌について
    岩松 浅夫
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 905-898,1275
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.905
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    It is needless to mention the significance and importance of the recovery of the complete text of the (hitherto unknown) Sanskrit Vimalakirtinirdesa in Tibet.
    The Vimalakirtinirdesa has verses collectively in two places, that is, in Chaps. 1 and 7 (or 8 in the Chinese versions). In the Sanskrit text are contained 15 verses in Chap. 1, and 42 in Chap. 7 (the number completely corresponds with the Tibetan version, but differs in both chapters of all three Chinese versions); two different metres, the Vasantatilaka and the (so-called) Tristubh-jagati, are employed in Chap. 1, while a single Sloka is in Chap. 7. The oldest text among the extant five is no doubt the Chinese one translated by Zhi Qian (支謙), which has 10 verses in Chap. 1, and 40 in Chap. 8 (=7 in the Sanskrit text). Judging from this, it is probable, and the present author is confident, that the original text of the Vimalakirtinirdesa had just 10 verses (probably in the Vasantatilaka metre) in Chap. 1, and 40 verses (in the Sloka, as well) in Chap. 7.
    Although, of course, the verse is in general composed in BHS, it sometimes shows features of probably not being original but Sanskritized (in later times). For example: in
    bharya dharmaratis tesam maitri karuna ca duhitarau |
    satyadharmav ubhau putrau grham sunyarthacintana || ([7] 2)
    the metre requires the two short syllables duhi of duhitarau in the 2nd pada to be a single long one; and the dual ending au of the same word (and of the following three words satyadharmav [=$mau], ubhau and putrau in the next pada) is also doubtful (regarding this, see BHSG, 5.6 & 25.1-3; the dual form appears only in this verse). Thus the older form of this duhitarau may have been like dhitarah or dhitaro (the other three: satyadharma, ubho and putra, respectively).
    In any case, we must keep in mind that this Sanskrit text of the Vimalakirtinirdesa is not an original, but rather one that has been modified in later times. Therefore we need as well to be sufficiently cautious in dealing with it.
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  • 『維摩経』における菩薩思想について -その内容と思想発展史的位置づけ-
    西野 翠
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 909-906,1276
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.909
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    It is apt to say that Vimalakirti is a layman and the Vimalakirtinirdesa (abbreviated to Vkn) is a typical sutra of Laymen Buddhism. However, it is not adequate to see Vimalakirti in Vkn as just a wealthy townsman residing in Vaisali. Actually, towards the end of the sutra, it was unveiled that he came from the presence of Aksobhya in the universe Abhirati to this world solely for the purpose of liberating living beings. Therefore we could say that everything and anything around him including his existence itself are just a vision. His eloquence is supreme, and his miraculous feats are in no way inferior to those of the Buddha himself; we could see him as an emanated incarnation (nirmanakaya) of the Buddha. The figure of Vimalakirti as a layman might have been effected by Chinese philosophy, particularly in the Song period.
    The bodhisattva doctrine taught by Vimalakirti is unusually logical and analytical, as it is inextricably linked with the teaching of non-duality (advayadharmamukha). From the emphasis on wisdom rather than compassion, we can say that the bodhisattva doctrine of Vkn is in the early phase of development according to Har Dayal.
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  • lTa ba'i khyad par における「経 (部) 中観」の意味
    斎藤 明
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 918-910,1276
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.918
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    Despite a number of studies so far conducted on the formation and reality of the so-called Sautrankika as well as on the history of the Madhyamika school, there still remains an important yet unsolved question. That is, what Ye shes sde means by his usage of both mdo sde (pa'i, spyod pa'i) dbu ma and rnal 'byor spyod pa'i dbu ma in his doxographical work titled lTa ba'i khyad par (TKh). It was Prof. Sh. Matsumoto who first critically discussed the above topic and drew the following two conclusions: (1) The above two appellations used in TKh refer not to the sub-schools of the Madhyamika but to respectively Bha (va) viveka's Prajñapradipa & Madhyamakahrdaya and Santaraksita's Madhyamakalankara. (2) In TKh, mDo sde (経) of mDo sde (pa'i, spyod pa'i) dbu ma means not the Sautrantika school but sutras such as Prajñaparamitasutra and others, while rNal 'byor spyod pa (瑜伽行) of rNal'byor spyod pa'i dbu ma refers not to the Yogacara school but to the treatise Yogacarabhumi.
    The present paper deals with whether the above two interpretations given by Prof. Matsumoto are tenable or not by analyzing his grounds for discussion. The conclusion of this paper is the following: While the first point is rightly documented, the second, rather revolutionary one has unfortunately no good grounds.
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  • Dipamkarasrijñana に帰される三種の giti 文献 について
    望月 海慧
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 925-919,1277
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.925
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    In the Madhyamika section, or his collection of small texts (Jo bo chos chung), of the Tibetan Tanjur there are three giti texts attributed to Dipamkarasrijñana (or Atisa), namely the Samsaramanoniryanikaranamagiti, the Caryagiti and the Dharmadhatudarsanagiti. But there is have another tradition, and these are also compiled into the tantric section of the Tanjur. Though they have “song (giti)” in their titles and are translated in a verse style, they do not seem to have been written in a single meter because there are different meters not only in each text but also within a single text.
    The Samsaramanoniryanikaranamagiti was written during his stay in India and its theme is the way to eliminate causes of suffering. The theme of the Caryagiti is the Buddhist path (margasatya) and conventional truth (samvrttisatya) and it is closely connected with his Vajrasanavajragiti. The first part of the Dharmadhatudarsanagiti consists of citations from the Dharmadhatustava of Nagdrjuna and the second consists of citations from many philosophical texts in order to describe the teachings of Buddhist and non-Buddhist schools. The author seems to have written it on the basis of the Dharmadhdtustava and the Jñanasdrasamuccayanibandhana of his teacher Bodhibhadra.
    Most of giti literatures are compiled in the tantric section of the Tanjur. But they would be recompiled into the Madhyamika section or Atisa's collections of small texts because he treats the Mahayana teachings in these three texts and does not refer to tantric teachings.
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  • 『十二門論』と龍樹・青目・羅什 (2)
    とくに青目について
    五島 清隆
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 932-926,1278
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.932
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    Ch'ing-mu 青目 (Blue-Eyes) is the author of the Chung-lun 中論, preserved in Chinese translation, but the only historical information on him is that found in Seng-jui's 僧叡 preface. The section that is particularly problematic in this preface is the phrase “the Indian Brahman named Pin-chia-lo 賓伽羅 (or Pin-lo-chia 賓羅伽) ,in the Ch'in language ‘Blue-Eyes’.” While it was probably B. Nanjio (1883) who first associated Pin-chia-lo with Pirngala, and he identified Ch'ing-mu with Aryadeva or Candrakirti. While it was soon shown that he could not possibly correspond to Candrakirti, there have been numerous scholars down to the present day who have recognized the former possibility. These include É. Teramoto (1937), P. Demiéville (1953), É. Lamotte (1970), J. May (1979), and K. Mimaki (1987). M. Walleser (1912), on the other hand, deemed Pin-lo-chia to be the correct form and speculated that this might correspond to a corrupt form of Pirngalakkha (a vernacular form of Pirngalaksa) or Vimalaksa, pointing out that the latter could refer to Kumarajiva's Vinaya master, Pei-mo-lo-ch'a 毘摩羅叉. R. H. Robinson (1967) added further corroborating evidence for this latter possibility, but he considered Pei-mo-lo-ch'a to be the name of an unknown scholar rather than the Vinaya master, while B. Bocking (1985) suggested that “Blue-Eyes” might have been the sobriquet of Pei-mo-lo-ch'a (Vimalaksa) in China. This was because Peimo-lo-ch'a was known as the “blue-eyed Vinaya master” (ch'ing-yen lü-shih 眼律師) on account of the blueness of his eyes.
    The reason that Nanjio identified Ch'ing-mu with Aryadeva was that he relied completely on the English translation by S. C. Das (1882) of the Tibetan doxography Grub mtha' shel gyi me long (A Crystal Mirror of Siddhanta). But the original has “blue-eyed acarya” (slob dpon mthing mig can), and there is no mention of Aryadeva. Das presumably thought that the blue-eyed acarya referred to Aryadeva. This means that the thesis identifying Ch'ing-mu with Aryadeva was invented by Das and has no basis in source materials. Furthermore, according to Coblin (1994), the character pin 賓 can be used to transcribe pin(g)-, but not vim-, vin-, bim-, etc., and the character chia 伽 is not used to transcribe -kkha or -ksa. In other words, when considered from a phonological point of view, the form Pin-lo-chia for Vimalaksa is untenable, and the form Pin-chia-lo, equating with Pirngala, is more probable. If this is the case, then the arguments of Walleser (who suggested vim-) and others such as Robinson and Bocking lose their foundation.
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  • Siksasamu ccaya の梵文写本について
    成立と伝承において果たした学匠ヴィブーティチャンドラの役割
    佐々木 一憲
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 937-933,1279
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.937
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    To date, a unique Sanskrit Ms. of Santideva's Siksasamuccaya has been found in the Wright Collection, now preserved in Cambridge University Library. Although the critical edition of this text was published by C. Bendall as early as in 1902, some of the characteristics of this Ms. have not yet been made clear, especially with regard to the date of its copy. From his discussion on both the colophon of this Ms. and the life history of Vibhuticandra, the present author draws the conclusion that the Ms. was copied in all probability in the beginning of the 13th century by Jagaddala Mahapandita Vibhuticandra, whose name, as the contributor of this Ms., is found in its colophon. The same Vibhuticandra is most likely to have copied the Ms. at Sa skya region and brought it later into Kathmandu where the Ms. was found.
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  • 『入中論』における『十地経』の引用
    金沢 豊
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 941-938,1279
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.941
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    Candrakirti provides an interpretation of the term cittamatra in his Madhyamakavatara. Of the ten variant interpretations of the dvadasa-anga-pratityasamutpada presented in the Dasabhumika Sutra, only four are brought up by Candrakirti as agama for his interpreation of cittamatra. He concludes that “The term cittamatra does not mean the negation of the external world. Rather, the true intended meaning is that, at the level of samvrttisatya, the mind only acts as the agent.” It is uncertain, though, why, out of the ten variant interpretations of the dvadasa-anga pratityasamutpada presented, only four are mentioned in the Madhyamakavatara, and it is also uncertain whether the Dasabhumika Sutra is regarded as nitartha or neyartha. Mentioning the four variant interpetations of the dvadasa-anga-pratityasamutpada in the Dasabhumikasutra seems to suggest that Candrakirti intends to refute the Vijñanavadin position that “Only the mind exists, but the external world does not.” Candrakirti may take the Dasabhumikasutra as neyartha, as long as it refers to the cittamatra position, but since he also cites the same sutra's description of the pratityasamutpada as “neither originated nor annihilated.” there remains the possibility that he may also take the text as nitartha. There are thus no grounds for assuming that Candrakirti holds the Dasabhumikasutra to be solely a neyartha agama.
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  • 『十地経論』の六相解釈
    成相・壊相を中心として
    金 京南
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 945-942,1280
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.945
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    As is well-known, the Six Characteristics (六相), originating from the Dasabhumika-sutra (DBh), are used as the method of annotation in the DBhV. The purpose of this paper is to clarify the interpretation of the Six Characteristics in the DBhV, specifically focusing on the Fifth Characteristic (vivarta,成相) and the Sixth Characteristic (samvarta, 壊相)by comparing a Tibetan version with a Chinese version.
    We can find a transfiguration between the equivalent Tibetan and Chinese versions. That is, vivarta and samvarta are translated as 'du ba (to assemble) and rgyas pa (to spread) in the Tibetan version, whereas vivarta translates as evolution(成相) and samvarta translates as destruction (壊相)in the Chinese version. This transfiguration brings a difference in interpretation of vivarta and samvarta in commentaries of the DBhV. Furthermore, misinterpretations of vivarta and samvarta can be seen in current studies of the Six Characteristics due to a use of both versions but a lack of consideration regarding the aforementioned transfiguration.
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  • 唯識文献における経典の受容 -『瑜伽論』「思所成地」を中心として-
    薊 法明
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 950-946,1281
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.950
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    The aim of this paper is to study canonical verses in the Yogacarabhumi. The Cintamayi Bhumi is the eleventh chapter of Yogacarabhumi, which is composed of three parts, Paramarthagatha, Abhiprayikarthagatha, and Sarirarthagatha. Prof. Enomoto studied the Sarirarthagatha in his treatise [1989]. I study one of the canonical verses (gatha) in Sarirarthagatha. This reseach can help us understand the relationship between the Yogacarabhumi and other sutras.
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  • 唯識文献における prabhavita の語義 -『中辺分別論釈疏』を中心として-
    金 才權
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 954-951,1281
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.954
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    The term ‘prabhavita’ is used in various contexts in Yogacara works. Following the Chinese translation, it is taken by S. Yamaguchi and G. Nagao to mean ‘made manifest’. However, L. Schmithausen has shown that the Chinese understanding of the term is not justified by Indian Yogacara texts. Accordingly, Schmithausen has delineated four distinct usages of prabhavita. On the other hand, S. Matsumoto later maintained the meaning of the term as ‘be produced from’. Investigation by other scholars has confirmed Schmithausen's analysis, with those occurrances studied falling within Schmithausen's fourfold delineation. However, the Madhyantavibhagatika uses the term in various contexts which may fail to conform to the senses outlined by Schmithausen. Accordingly, this paper attempts to determine which sense of prabhavita may be applicable in each of these contexts in the light of Schmithausen's fourfold delineation, as well as taking into account previous research. From this, it will be argued that some instances of the term may be identified as failing to conform to Schmithausen's typology. It is hoped also that this present paper may foreshadow further investigation into whether the Yogdcarin understanding of prabhavita accords with its usage in the Abhidharmakosabhasyam in the sense of ‘prominent’.
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  • 『楞伽経』における khyativijñana
    鄭 有植
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 958-955,1282
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.958
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    The term khyativijñana as used in the Lankavatarasutra has generally been interpreted as corresponding to the first five vijñanas. However, there is unfortunately no reliable evidence for the above interpretation. In addition, according to my inquiry into the usage of this word and its related term vastuprativikalpa-vijñanas, the word khyativijñana in a certain context of the second chapter of the Lankavatarasutra may most probably be interpreted as meaning the seven pravrttivijñanas. Therefore, further research should be centered on the exact meanings of, and relationship between, the both terms, vastuprativikalpavijñana and khyativijñana.
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  • 仏教認識論における錯覚論法
    小林 久泰
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 964-959,1282
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.964
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    Any object that a cognition cognizes exists in the external world; or, any object that a cognition cognizes does not exist in the external world. These are the alternatives Prajñakaragupta gives in his Alamkara. Buddhist idealists use an illusory cognition, such as a dream cognition, as an example to illustrate the latter. But can we conclude, from the fact that such an illusory cognition cognizes an object which does not externally exist, that any cognition has no externally existent object? This is the problem of generalization Matilal (1972) pointed out concerning the “Argument from Illusion” of Buddhist idealists. Prajñakaragupta tries to solve this kind of problem from the viewpoint of the theory of self-cognition (svasamvedana), showing that the problem can be solved by Buddhist idealists, but not by realists.
    Kumarila, a typical realist, holds that it is what exists in the external world that brings about an illusory cognition. For example, in the case of the mirage illusion, the appearance of water in this illusion presupposes the following two things: the water has been previously seen; and, sands heated by the sun are present.
    Prajñakaragupta, a Buddhist idealist, criticizes this view of Kumarila's by saying that there is no way to know the existence of things that do not appear to a cognition. According to Prajñakaragupta, if we see an object other than what we are seeing, then we would have the cognition of yellow when we see blue; therefore, what we are seeing is just what appears in the mind.
    It is to be noted that in the view that every cognition has a general character, i. e., the self-revealing character, the problem posed by Matilal is easily solved. For, there is no difference between the water which appears in an ordinary cognition and that which appears in a mirage-illusion, because both appear in the same form of ‘water.’ On the contrary, if the realists insist that there appears the external object even in the illusory cognition, they have to clear up the problem: How is it that only through an ordinary cognition we see what we are seeing now and here, and not through illusory cognition?
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  • 吐蕃に於ける唯識論書の蔵訳
    原田 覺
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 972-965,1283
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.972
    ジャーナル フリー
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    The dkar chag lDan dkar ma (A. D. 836) mentions 41 Tibetan translations of Buddhist scriptures in its chapter xxiv, rNam par ses pahi bstan bcos(Treatises on Cognition [only]), namely Lalou §.614-654. This chapter consists of Buddhist scriptures which are related to Sa sde lna (§.614-626), i.e., rNal hbyor spyod pahi sa, and sDom rnam gñis (§.627-631) by Thogs med, and Pra ka ra na sde brgyad (§.632-654) by dByig gñen, i. e. Sahi rtsa lag. In this paper, I examine the colophons of these works extant in the Tibetan Tripitaka. Two points are clear. (1) Tibetan translations were translated in a period from around A. D. 814 until A. D. 836. (2) We can not deny the fact that the author of the Yujiashi Dilun is Byams pa, as introduced by Xuanzang (A. D. 602-664), and also we can not deny the possibility of the historical existence of Byams pa, while Byams chos sde lna, i. e. Byams pahi chos lna, was realized in the Phyi dar period.
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  • シュリーマンタデーヴァ・ヴァジュラーチャールヤとラサ・ネワールたちの阿〓仏
    吉崎 一美
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 977-973,1284
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.977
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    The modern Newar Buddhist manuscripts copied in Lhasa by the Lhasa Newars sometimes note in the colophons that the mss. were commissioned to be copied in front of the Buddha Aksobhya (see Yoshizaki, “Newar Buddhist Manuscripts copied in Modern Tibet: from the collection of Asha Archives, Kathmandu, Nepal”, forthcoming). The first reference to the Aksobhya in Lhasa is, as far as I know, found in the colophon of the “Saptavara-dharani” copied in the Newar year 773, corresponding to A. D. 1652/53, when a Newar merchant who was engaged in the business of trade in Lhasa commissioned a copy after paying homage to the statue of the Buddha Aksobhya. It was copied by Srimantadeva Vajracarya, from Tarumula Mahavihara in Kathmandu.
    That year, Srimantadeva made another sketch book which Pratapaditya Pal named “Book of Buddhist Litanies and Images”. He prepared the sketches in Lhasa to serve as models for Tibetan-style paintings. His name is also found in a short song composed in the same year in praise of the Buddha Aksobhya in Lhasa. The song, “Lhasa jina-varnana-stotra”, was discovered by this author in the collection of Sanskrit and Newari manuscripts preserved in the Asha Archives, Kathmandu.
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  • 仏本行経・四天王経の漢訳者
    後籐 義乗
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 982-978,1284
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.982
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    This paper is part of my overall research into the Chinese translator of the Wuliangshou jing (無量寿経). According to the Sutra catalogue, Bao-Yun translated the Sitianwang jing (四天王経) and Fobenxing jing (仏本行経).The translation of Wuliangshou jing into Chinese is ascribed to Baoyun (宝雲) on the basis of resemblances in the terms with these two texts. However, both of these texts exhibit too great a difference from other translations of Baoyun. Therefore, this paper provides a reinvestigation of this issue by:
    (i) Undertaking a comparative analysis of the frequency of terms used within each text so as to determine the probability of a specific translator; and (ii) Cross-referencing the occurrence of bi-grams (two character co-locations) in the texts with the works of known Sutra translators, so as to determine whose bigram usage this may most closely approximate.
    It is argued that both of these approaches point to a single conclusion: Kang Senghui (康僧会) translated the Sitianwang jing and Zhu Fahu (竺法護) translated the Fobenxing jing.
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  • 仏教における布施の原理 -特に三階教を中心として-
    洪 在成
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 987-983,1285
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.987
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    The Sanjie jiao is the most successful group in Chinese Buddhism with regard to economy.
    Their dogma was based on the philosophy of the Avatamsaka, Vimalakirti and Nirvana sutras, and persist the universalism of the pervasive Buddha during the period of continuous war, hunger and disease. They emphasized practical performance of the dharma for Buddhist asceticism and social relief. For example, they distributed their property to the poor, and weak and diseased people. They took on the role of financial agency, creating a loan system easy to use for the people. No application form was necessary, and they used simple credit which the debtor could repay any time.
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  • 鳩摩羅什漢訳の法華経の露語訳をめぐって
    ガッリ イーゴリ
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 991-988,1285
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.991
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    This paper deals with the pioneer Russian translation of the Lotus Sutra which was made from Kumarajiva's Chinese Version by a historian of the Japanese Buddhist thought, Dr. A. N. Ignatovich (“Ladomir” Publishing, Moscow, 1998; ISBN 5-86218-259-4).
    As there may be a large-scale cultural distance between Buddhist idioms and linguistic instrumentalities for them of a “non-Buddhistical” foreign language, it may sometimes result in some changes of proper meanings. So my paper is aimed to answer the question: Are there any changes in the meanings of certain Chinese Buddhist words of the Lotus Sutra concerning their Russian variants as appear in the aforementioned translation?
    Looking at semantic, contextual and etymological analysis of both original Buddhist words (namely久遠実成大恩教主kuon-jitsujo-daion-kyoshu, 方便 hoben, 渇仰katsugo) and the Russian words adopted in the translation as their equivalents, I argue that the latter ones (vechno okazyvayush'iy blagodeyaniya Vladyka Ucheniya {i. e. “Eternally giving benevolences Lord of the Teaching”}, ulovka {i. e. “trick”} and nadezhda {i. e. “hope”} respectively) evidently invite changes in the original meanings of the terms, making some important. messages of the Sutra rather obscure. Therefore, proposing as the translations of the above terms Bespredel'no Davno Istinno Prebyvshiy Buddoi Velikoblagodatnyi Uchitel' {“Really Been Buddha Since Infinite Past Greatly Benevolent Teacher”}, vrachuyush'ee sredstvo {“remedying means”} and zhazhda-zov [k Ucheniyu] {“thirst-appeal [for Dharma] ”} respectively instead, I thus conclude that the translation concerned, being a great contribution to initiate close acquaintance with the world of the Lotus Sutra in Russian, still leaves with itself some doctrinal and philological problems to be solved in the future.
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  • 浄覚仁岳の著作に関する一考察
    金 希泰
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 995-992,1286
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.995
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    It is said that studies on Tiantai once again became popular especially after Zhanran (711-782), and that the Song dynasty period saw an intense debate between the Shanjia denomination of Siming Zhili (960-1028) and the Shanwai sect which accepted the influence of Huayan thought. When Jingjue Renyue (992-1064) was under Zhili's sect, he did his best for Zhili by opposing the view of Qingzhao on the issue of Guanglüe in the Jinguangming jing by writing the Wenyishu, against the issue of ‘Liduxinge’ by writing the Shiyishu, against the view of Jiguang Wuxiang by writing the Juemoshu, and against Jizhai who denied Bielisuiyuan by writing Shimenzhenanshu. However, as Renyue doubted on Zhili's interpretation of the body of the Buddha, and as he strongly opposed Zhili's view of Tiantai Buddhology, he finally left the denomination. Renyue is classified as Zazhuanpai in the Fozu tongji, as he spoke against Zhili.
    In this way, after Renyue left Zhili's denomination, ideological transformation in the life of Renyue forced him to concentrate on the studies of Chan tradition, thus he wrote many works, including 20 fascicles in 6 setion on the Shoulenyan jing. We find many of Renyue's works in the Taisho Tripitaka, Zoku-Zo-kyo, Yitianlu and Bussho kaisetsu Daijiten, etc. In this paper, we took up his 25 works mentioned in Yitianlu for our investigation, and we also used the ‘Biographical Story of Renyue’ and the contents from Fozu tongji basing on the Taisho Tripitaka, Zoku-Zo-kyo, Yitianlu and Bussho kaisetsu Daijiten. As those works listed in the Yitianlu form only one part of his entire works, we tried to make a list of his entire works, using the contents of Zoku-Zo-kyo. The Yitianlu was a list of works on sutras, vinaya and abhidharma made by Yitian (1055-1101) of Koryo, which he compiled by collecting for 25 years from the Song dynasty, Liao through Koryo, it was completed in 1090. We discussed Renyue's works of 51 fascicles in 25 sections have been recorded among the 1437 works and authors listed in Yitianlu.
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  • 『法華玄義』における灌頂の位置
    吉蔵との比較において
    渡邊 法子
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 999-996,1287
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.999
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    The three great Tiantai works of Zhiyi (538-597) consist of recorded notes and edited works made by Guanding (561-632).
    In the Fahua xuanyi it is possible to see that Guanding added his own thoughts to those of Zhiyi.
    By comparing the Tiantai Ideas of Zhiyi and Guanding with Jizang, I would like to explain the importance of Guanding's input on the Fahua xuanyi.
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  • 仏典の中の‘笑い’(1)
    『無門関』を中心に
    小森 英明
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 1003-1000,1288
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.1003
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    In this paper, I try to analyze laughter in Buddhist scriptures and I deal with Mumonkan as the starting point.
    We have already an earlier study titled “Laughter in Zen Buddhism” by Sodo Yasunaga which deals with a similar theme. According to the study, Zen can be regarded as a “religion of loud laughter”. It argues that various laughter in Zen scriptures can be classified into three groups. Certainly this classification provides us with an effective framework to put laughter in order. However, it is possible that a way to classify laughter depends on commentators case by case, because it tends to reflect subjective opinions of commentators.
    Therefore, in this presentation I put greater emphasis on making clear the system which laughter gives rise to in the context of “Zen Mondo” (or “Koan”) than on presenting a new way to classify concrete cases of laughter.
    In this research I point out four factors as the structural factors which such laughter gives rise to. I. A particularity of verbal communication between masters and pupils 2. A close relation between Satori and laughter 3. A dynamic relationship between masters and pupils 4. A cultural background which promotes laughter.
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  • 摂津中嶋三宝寺とその周辺
    西岡 秀爾
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 1007-1004,1288
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.1007
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    Sanboji in Settsu Nakajima is a temple built by Nonin in order to spread the Dharma sect. This article traces the origin of the temple by referring to literature of the Middle Ages and old maps.
    Recently, the origin of the Sanboji temple has been traced to Daido-the second and third wards of the neighborhood of the Osaka University of Economics in Daido district. However, topography and medieval documents connected with the Sozenji, Monoi family, and so on, suggest that the origin of the temple is not restricted to Daido, but extends to the wider-ranging area of Komatsu Zuiko and Osumi district, spanning the whole territory. Although the time of existence of the temple is still unknown, it is believed to have existed until the third year of Onin (1469), based on the “摂州中嶋三宝寺六祖舎利大慧袈裟伝来記” of the Shoboji historical records. Furthermore, its existence during the time of Daiei (1521-1526) or Kyoroku (1528-1531) is questioned. Even though the temple disappeared, the Komatsu and Nishidaido districts located to the north from the origin of Sanboji were called Sanboji, and remained so until the first half of the 20th century.
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  • 親鸞「化身土巻」における仏身論をめぐる一考察
    陳 敏齢
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 1013-1008,1289
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.1013
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    It is known that the Kyogyoshinsho (教行信証) is completed by the “Keshindo” (化身土) Chapter. As the sambhogikakaya-ksetra is the goal of Shinran, why does he use the “Keshindo” Chapter as the conclusion of this book? In this paper, I shall discuss Shinran's Concept of Buddhakaya―especially the Upaya-nairmanikaya-ksetra from the dialogue between the true and upaya ksetra.
    In the “Keshindo” Chapter, Shinran defines Amida-Buddha in the “Meditation Sutra” as nairmanikakaya in one hand. But on the other hand, Shinran names this Amida-Buddha as sambhogikakaya (報中身) for it is come from the absolute truly One. Anyway, there are two-fold meanings―true (sambhogikakaya) and upaya (nairmanikaya)―in Shinran's nairmanikaya-ksetra.
    Why does Shinran need to divide the true or upaya of the Buddha-ksetra so many folds? As is clear in his discussion of the logical sequence of the three vows of Amida (三願転入). Shinran wants to show the true way of religion from the dialogue between the true and upaya. It is important to know that although the Buddha-ksetra is divided in two, the relationship of the two lands is always dynamic. So although the Buddha-ksetra in the “Meditation Sutra” is said to be nirmana ksetra, the meaning of this nirmana-world is truly deep beyond our realization.
    From Shinran's unique concept of humanity―that it is truly the sinner that Amida will save (悪人正機)―it is impossible for us to enter the true world. And basing on this concept of humanity, upaya is nothing but the abstractly true. So nairmanikaya-ksetra is exactly the only topos of rescue for all humans―containing Shinran himself. I think it is just for this reason that Shinran placed the “Keshindo” at the end of the Kyogyoshinsho as its conclusion.
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  • 韓国仏教における比丘尼の役割について
    張 愛順
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 1019-1014,1290
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.1019
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    Since Buddhism was transmitted to Korea, Bhiksuni (比丘尼) played a social and religious role alongside monks.
    In the Silla (新羅) Dynasty, doyunarang (都唯那郎) who directed the Bhiksuni Samgha (比丘尼僧伽) with the rank next to sung tong (僧統) who held the highest rank in the Samgha (僧伽) demonstrating the Bhiksuni's high social status.
    From the beginning of the Koryo (高麗) Dynasty, there were innumerable Bhiksuni who had endeavored in devoted ways for their society with ascetic practices under the aegis by the royal family.
    The policies on Buddhism in the Choson (朝鮮) Dynasty could not escape Confucian pressures. But thanks to the royal family's liking of Buddhism, monks acted as intermediaries between temple and royal court, benefitting society.
    Bhiksunis were able to succeed as practitioners, as proselytizers, as temple builders, and as those who widely benefitted society throughout history.
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  • 仏典における性差別の解釈をめぐって
    女人出家の問題から
    Shobha Rani DASH
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 1024-1020,1290
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.1024
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    Previous studies state that a number of Buddhist canonical texts suggest discrimination against women, such as the Buddha's reluctance to allow women to enter the Sangha, the subordinate status of the bhikkhunis under the eight strict conditions (attha garudhamma), the inferior terms used for the women in the canonical texts, the five obstructions of a woman, her incapability to become a Buddha etc. How these discriminatory expressions gradually became hindrances to ordination of womenfolk is discussed in this paper.
    In this paper, the possibilities of the misreading of Buddhist texts have been examined. When reading a text, we sometimes consider the subject matter just from its ostensible meaning. This ultimately leads us into a quick mire. The problem does not lie in the scriptures themselves; rather, it is our misleading interpretation that often grows out of nuances in translation. What has come down to us today as the problem of bhikkhuni ordination or gender discrimination is possibly the outcome of misinterpretations that grew out of the socially defined realities of the times and the places where the texts were written and the linguistic demands of the target languages. This has been discussed by a close examination of key passages from Pali, Sanskrit and Chinese texts.
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  • 現代に於ける殉教思想 -ある日本人僧侶の殉教を通して-
    笹森 行周
    2007 年 55 巻 2 号 p. 1028-1025,1291
    発行日: 2007/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.1028
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    Rev. Yokotsuka (1952-1984) was a disciple of the Most Ven. Nichidatsu Fujii, founder of Nipponzan Myohoji Buddhist Order in Japan. In Sri Lanka for 6 years he had been praying to bring about peace among peoples there.
    However he was shot dead on the street in Jaffna on 28 Oct. 1984 at the age of 32, while he was bowing to show veneration to the men who were going to assassinate him. This practice of bowing, through the veneration and worship of the Buddha-nature existing in all beings, is based on the practice by the Never Despising Bodhisattva in Chapter 20 of the Lotus Sutra.
    Rev. Yokotsuka's martyrdom was nothing more than an encounter between violence and the practice of Bowing, the supreme way of non-violence which in Japan was first practiced and embodied by the 13th. century's great monk Nichiren (1222-1282).
    Rev. Yokotsuka showed us some ideas of the Bodhisattva's vows taken by Mahayana Buddhist who see no enemies around them, believing that everyone is to become a Buddha. The practitioners find their places of mission voluntarily amongst real troubles. They practice the Bodhisattva's vows without the fear that they will be misunderstood, ridiculed, or beaten to death. This is the significance of Martyrdom in the present-day.
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