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Toshihiko KIMURA
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
553-563,1290
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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The anonymous text,
Upayahrdaya, has not been evaluated correctly in the field of Indian logic. We fixed its historical position between the
Hetuvidya of Maitreya and the
Nyayasutra of Gautama. The author of the
Upayahrdaya was affected by the thought of the Sautrantika school. But his logic consisted of the three sorts of reason;
purvavat,
sesavat and
samanyato drstam. They were used at first by him and enlarged over heretical logic, including Nyaya.
The three sorts of reason might have occurred in the proto-
Nyayasutra which was criticized by Nagarjuna and Aryadeva, but the text no longer exists. Anyway, it is sure that they originated in the
Carakasamhita, because Caraka related the three sorts of reason, i. e., inference of past thing from present reason, inference of future thing from present reason and inference of present thing from present reason.
The author of the
Upayahrdaya shows his affinity to Sautrantika philosophy in such things as provisional cognition of substantial elements, earth, etc. Generally he argues for complete tranquility, non-egoism, non-eternality and so on. Maitreya also composed dialetics and logic from the standpoint of the Sautr
antikas in his
Yogacarabhumi. But this position is on the way from primary speculation to complete tranquilty, that is, the learning stage (
srutamayi bhumih). But our author does not show affinity to Mahayana Buddhism.
This text was translated into Chinese 472 A. D. as
Fangbianxin lun _??__??__??__??_ (Taishô no. 1632), and the Sanskrit original as well as Tibetan version are not extant. But its abundant dialectics fascinate us, researchers of Indian logic.
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Musashi TACHIKAWA
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
564-571,1291
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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The term “
abhidharma” has been used at least in two meanings: (a) [Discourse] about
dharma (truth) and (b)
Dharma (truth or teaching) about [
nirvana, etc.]. The original meaning of the term seems to have been the former (a), and one may say that the second meaning (b) was added later in the history of Abhidharma Buddhism. Vasubandhu in his
Abhidharmakosabhasya states that
abhidharma is of two kinds: the ultimate and the conventional. The author of the work defines the ultimate
abhidharma in terms of the second meaning (b) of
abhidharma.
Commenting on the definition of the ultimate
abhidharma given in the
Abhidharmakosasastra (1, 2a) Vasubandhu states:
anasravah pañcaskandhako '
bhidharma ity (
Abhidharma is free from
asrava (mental defilements) and is accompanied by five
skandhas (constituent elements)). Xuanzang has translated the passage in the following sense: The five
skandhas that are free from asravas are called
abhidharma. The Peking edition of the Tibetan translation of the passage (
Tibetan Tripitaka, Suzuki Foundation, Vol. 115, p. 127, f. 4, 11. 3-4) has the same meaning as Xuanzang's translation. The expression “
pañcaskandhaka, ” however, does not mean five
skandhas, but rather that which is accompanied by five
skandhas.
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Focusing upon the Kin shichiju ron so kyo (_??__??__??__??__??__??_)
Kaori OKITSU
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
572-575,1292
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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The *
Suvarnasaptatisastra, which is an important treatise of Samkhya philosophy, survives only in the Chinese translation done by Paramartha _??__??_ sometime between 548 and 569. Commentarial tradition begins with the citations from it found in the
Chengweishi ulun shuji _??__??__??__??__??__??_, written in Tang China, and continues with a real exegetical boom in 18
th century Japan. Although the Japanese exegetes refer to the same passage cited in the
Chengweishi/un shuji, they express different opinions concerning the *
Suvarnasaptatisastra. I analyse the interpretations of this passage in the
Kin shichiju ron biko _??__??__??__??__??__??_ by Gyo'o Gonzo _??__??__??__??_ (1724-1785), the
Kin shichiju ron sho _??__??__??__??__??_ by Chido Hoju _??__??__??__??_ (1723-1800), the
Kin shichiju ron ge _??__??__??__??__??_ by Shuro _??__??_ (?-1788), and the
Kin shichiju ron so kyo _??__??__??__??__??__??_ by Rinjo Kaido _??__??__??__??_ (1751-1810) and focus mainly upon their understanding of the relation between the prose parks of the *
Suvarnasaptatisastra and Vasubandhu.
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Hiromi YOSHIMURA
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
576-582,1292
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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The Vijñaptimatra theory varies in its expression. The
Mahayanasutralamkara contains these expressions with different key words showing a variety of different traditions. One of them is quoted by the
Mahayanasamgraha by which the author established a new
vijnaptimatra theory to unite the three natures (
trisvabhava) theory and the theory of intellectual entrance to the non-characteristic (
asal-laksana pravesa) into one system. Through this research, it is clear that the
Mahayanasamgraha was composed later than the
Mahayanasutralamkara-bhasya.
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Daigo SASAKI
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
583-587,1293
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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In the
Da Amituo jing, there are two types of practitioners. One follows the path of the arhat (sravaka), and the other is the path of the bodhisattva. These two are written about at several parts of this sutra, and the arhat is not described as an inferior being. This is unusual among Mahayana sutras.
The parinirvana of the arhat (T. 12, pp. 307-308) and the rebirth of the bodhisattva in the Pure Land (T. 12, pp. 309-311) are explained separately at different places in the sutra. There seems to be no relation between these two parts. However, both parts are presented in response to Ajita's question. And, taking into consideration the unique stance of the
Da Amituo jing in which the arhat and bodhisattva are often spoken of as a pair, I think these two parts are closely related.
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Ippei OKAMOTO
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
588-593,1293
Published: March 20, 2006
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The main aim of this report is to elucidate Jingyingsi Huiyuan's (_??__??__??__??__??_) theory about the essence of the Buddha's teaching, with a focus on the
Dacheng yizhang (_??__??__??__??_) “San Zang Yi (_??__??__??_)” chapter.
Huiyuan considered the essence of the Buddha's teaching to be sabdaayatana and
rupa-dharma, not
nama-pada-vyañjana-kaya. Therefore, Huiyuan never recognized
viprayuktasamskara as
dravya.
In the history of Buddhist philosophy in China, Huiyuan's theory is interesting. His theory approaches the Sarvastivadin's doctrine which most Chinese Buddhists considered elementary and superceded by Mahayana ideas.
I appreciate that Huiyuan, as a Mahayana Buddhist, valued the Sarvastivadin doctrine.
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Ayumi SUZUKI
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
594-597,1294
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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This study, focused on the
Fayuan zhulin, is a part of a study to clarify the characteristics of Chinese Buddhism. In it I clarify how the
Fayuan zhulin systematized the presentation of the idea of rebirth in the six realms. Then I consider how the rebirth theory was received and transformed in China.
The six realms idea was originally a generalized world-system based on the Sumeru model and was part of a karma-driven cycle. But in China, the six realms were regarded as a problem of soul rather than a porblem of karma. The subject of samsara changed from karma to a soul and a soul possesses the same figure and consciousness as individuals possess during their lifetime. Therefore the six realms are not isolated from this world, and a transmigrating soul continues having a relation with living beings.
The outlook on the six realms idea in Chinese Buddhism shows us the transformation from Indian cosmology into the Chinese view that a soul transmigrates and forms the world after death.
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Takashi HAYAKAWA
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
598-601,1294
Published: March 20, 2006
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I Introduction
The Lotus sutra Chapter II (Upaya-kausalya) is a very famous chapter in the history of the Lotus sutra. I would like to examine the Bodhisattvas in Lotus sutra and their ascetic practices mentioned in Chapter II undertaken on the way to becoming Buddha.
II Bodhisattva of the Lotus sutra
The relationship between the bodhisattva of the Lotus sutra and the sravaka and arhat in Dharmaraksa's translation of the Lotus sutra is not clear. Kumarajiva clearly described the process of sravaka becoming a bodhisattva, when he made his Chinese translation.
III Ascetic practices involved in becoming Buddha in Chapter II of the Lotus sutra
There is an explanation about severe ascetic practices, viz, to transcribe the sutra, to become a priest, to study dharma, not to ridicule and tell a lie in Chapter II of Dharmaraksa's translation of the Lotus sutra. In Kumarajiva's translation, there is an explanation that we can become Buddha even if such a state is only attained after doing good deeds.
IV Conclusion
When Kumarajiva translated the Lotus sutra into Chinese, he referred to Dharmaraksa's translation and Kumarajiva clarified the contents. As a result, Kumarajiva's translation influenced the history of the thought of Chinese Buddhism.
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Tomohiro KOTANI
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
602-605,1295
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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The Nanshan school was founded by Daoxuan (_??__??_) (596-667) of the Tang Dynasty. One of the doctrinal features of Daoxuan is the “essence of discipline” theory. Before Daoxuan, there were two currents, the
avijñapti-rupa theory and the
avijñapti-citta-viprayukta theory. On the other hand, Daoxuan explained in the
Sifenlu shanbu suiji jiemo shu (_??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_) that the essence of discipline
bija is kept in the
alaya-vijñana. This theory is based on the
Mahayanasamgraha (_??__??__??__??_) translated by Paramartha (499-569). The reason why Daoxuan discussed this theory was that Vinaya was despised in society at that time. Daoxuan blamed fallen priests in the
Sifenlu shanfan buque xingshi chao (_??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_). As a reason for not obeying the Vinaya, these priests explained that this Vinaya was Hinayana. For the purpose of reforming fallen priests, Daoxuan may have had to regard the sect based on the Dharmaguptaka Vinaya as Mahayana. So Daoxuan explained
bija as the essence of discipline based ona Mahayana text, namely the
Mahayanasamgraha.
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Yoko KOSUGA
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
606-609,1296
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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Jizang (_??__??_), in his
Renwang bore jingshu (_??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_), proposed a new theory about Buddhadhatu (_??__??_) which asserted the three kinds of Buddhatva, i. e. xianchang-foxing (_??__??__??__??_), dangchang-foxing (_??__??__??__??_), and liaoyin-foxing (_??__??__??__??_). His aim seems to combine the idea of Prajña (_??__??_) with Buddhadhatu. The source of his new theory, I suppose, can be found in the
Foxing lun (_??__??__??__??__??_) and
She dacheng lunshi (_??__??__??__??__??__??__??_) of Zhendi (Paramartha _??__??_), as well as the Shizihou pusa pin _??__??__??__??__??__??_, a chapter of the
Mahaparinirvana-sutra (_??__??__??__??__??_).
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Makoto YOSHIMURA
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
610-616,1296
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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The
Pusajie jiemo wen was translated by Xuanzang in 649. Although it is widely thought to have been produced from the
Bodhisattavabumi of the
Yogacarabhumi, this is not strictly true. The
Pusajie jiemo wen was a reorganized text of the
Yogacarabhumi. The text was reorganized in order to use it in the actual ritual of receiving the precepts.
Xuanzang held great interest in the bodhisattva precepts. When he visited India, he entreated his master, Silabhadra, to give the precepts to him, though he had already received them in China. It is likely that the reorganized ritual in the
Pusajie jiemo wen reflects Xuanzang's experience in India.
Upon his return to China, he often gave the bodhisattva precepts to the ministers of the Tang dynasty. Xuanzang believed that it would help increase their support towards Buddhism.
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Osamu TADA
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
617-621,1297
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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It is said that Ruli _??__??_ was a disciple of Zhizhou _??__??_. But quite a few points are not definite with regard to Zhizhou's disciples. Therefore, I examined the relationship between Zhizhou and Ruli from Ruli's writings, etc. As a result, four features are found in Ruli's writings, especially in the
Chengweishilun-shu-yiyan _??__??__??__??__??__??__??_ (hereafter,
Yiyan).
i) There are many references to Ji _??_ and Zhizhou.
ii) There is no reference to Huizhao's _??__??_ disciples except Zhizhou.
iii) In
Yiyan, there are many sentences similar to ones in the
Chengweishilun yanmi _??__??__??__??__??__??_ (hereafter,
Yanmi).
iv)
Yiyan quoted from a variant text of the
Chengweishilun-shuji _??__??__??__??__??__??_ used in
Yanmi.
From these points, it is probable that Ruli was a disciple of Zhizhou.
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Wen-liang ZHANG
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
622-627,1297
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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In the view of Chengguan, there is a distinction between
dharmata and
buddhata.
Dharmata means the
sunyata of all dharmas, which exists in all sentient beings as well as non-sentient beings.
Buddhata, in contrast, embraces both
sunyata and
prajña-nature, and thus exists only in sentient beings. Based on this distinction, Chengguan criticizes views that do not admit this distinction, such as “Non-sentient beings have
Buddhata” and “Non-sentient beings can become Buddhas.” Chengguan's separation of
dharmata and
buddhata sits in diametrical opposition to Zhanran's identity of
dharmata and
buddhata. The roots of this opposition stem from the following fact. Whereas Chengguan, following the standpoint of suchness or interdependent arising, contends that the dharmas (forms/
xiang) of interdependent arising differ from suchness (nature/
xing), Zhanran, sticking to the position of universality of interdependent arising (
ti pian), maintains that there is no distinction between the physical (the non-sentient) and the sentient. It is also explored in this paper how Chengguan's view on
dharmata and
buddhata may have been influenced by the thoughts of nirvana sect representatives such as Huiyuan, Jizang, and Fabao.
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Kazuya OI
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
628-631,1298
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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In the Tang dynasty, Fazang (_??__??_ 643-712) developed his teaching on Huayan based on the teachings centered on the
Avatamsakasutra (_??__??__??_) he received from his master Zhiyan (_??__??_ 602-668). His system of thought is organized by a classification of doctrines called the Five Doctrines and Ten Schools (_??__??__??__??__??_), which was first mentioned in the
Huayan yicheng jiaofen ji (_??__??__??__??__??__??__??_ aka _??__??__??_).
In the Five Doctrines, the distinction of the standpoints between beings and emptiness is used to characterize Mahayana Buddhism into early (_??__??_) and final teachings (_??__??_). However, in his later work
Huayan jing tanxuan ji (_??__??__??__??__??__??_), early and final stages are distinguished by whether all beings possess the Buddha nature (and will achieve Buddhahood) or not. This shows that the criteria for distinguishing between the early and final teachings changed.
There are also some commentaries by Fazang on the texts of Tathagatagarbha thought. These commentaries contain another classification of doctrine (the Four Schools _??__??__??_) and also display an interest in the attainment of Buddhahood by all beings. This suggests a possible cause of the changes found in the
Huayan jing tanxuan ji and provides evidence of the influence of Tathagatagarbha thought in Fazang's Huayan Doctrine.
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Amiko KITAZUKA
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
632-635,1298
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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I compared the idea of Perfect Integration (_??__??_) in Huiyuan's
Dacheng yizhang (_??__??__??__??_) with that in Fachang's
Shidilun yishu (_??__??__??__??__??_) and tried to locate doctrinal characteristics of the
Dacheng yizhang.
The
Dacheng yizhang is based on various Mahayana sutras, but the
Shidilun yishu draws on a limited scriptural basis. So, I suggest that when Huiyuan wrote the
Dacheng yizhang, Chinese Buddhists could have access to new sutras that they had not had before.
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Eko MATSUO
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
636-641,1299
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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The basic intention of the medieval monk Daochuo was the exaltation of Pure Land Buddhism, which lay in an emphasis on sentient beings as the object of salvation. However, Daochuo had to clarify that Pure Land Buddhism did not contradict the principles of Mahayana Buddhism. Therefore, Pure Land Buddhism as Mahayana Buddhism was clarified by speaking of the Saint's birth in Amida's Pure Land. That is, Daochuo established Amida's Pure Land Buddhism as dedicated to ordinary beings in the age of the decay of the Dharma.
Jiacai tried to clarify Pure Land Buddhism as for the sake of ordinary beings in his
Jingtu-lun. He emphasized that Amida's Pure Land Buddhism is taught with the aim of liberating ordinary beings basing himself on the forty-eighth vow of the Larger Pure Land Scripture and the expression in the Mediatation Sutra “all ordinary beings of future ages.” He expressed this as “the original [vow] is for both ordinary beings and saints together.” In addition, Jiacai clarified that the object of liberation shifted from ordinary people and saints to ordinary people by reorganizing the
Anleji. In a word, Jiacai understood the real intention of Daochuo's Pure Land Buddhism as Pure Land teaching for ordinary beings, and expressed it as, “the original [vow] is for both Ordinary Beings and Saints together”.
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Myosei TATSUGUCHI
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
642-648,1300
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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Previously I have investigated the relationship between faith in Amida Buddha and the precepts, especially the connection to the Eight Prohibitory Precepts as they are portrayed in the
Da Amituo jing (_??__??__??__??__??__??__??_), the
Wuliangshou jing (_??__??__??__??__??__??_) and the
Guan Wuliangshou jing (_??__??__??__??__??__??__??_). Upholding the precepts is discussed in five extant Chinese translations of the Larger Sutra of Immeasurable Life (_??__??__??__??_): the
Da Amituo jing (_??__??__??__??__??__??__??_), the
Wuliang qingjing pingdengjue jing (_??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_), the
Wuliangshou jing (_??__??__??__??__??__??_), the
Wuliangshou rulai hui (_??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_), and the
Dacheng wuliangshou zhuangyan jing (_??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_). The topic I wish to consider in this article is whether these precepts are a primary factor for awakening or for birth in the Pure Land, and how they came to have this status. Along with the development, spread and establishment of the teachings of Pure Land, the practice of reciting the name of the Buddha was emphasized, to the detriment of other practices. As faith in Amida spread, however, for the sake of good relations with other faiths and institutions, the question of upholding the precepts could not be ignored. From this point of view, upholding the precepts, especially the Eight Prohibitory Precepts, are important to the transmission of the teaching of Pure Land Buddhism.
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Eiki IWAKI
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
649-654,1300
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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The purpose of this article is to clarify the thought of Zhiyuan of the Song dynasty and Zhixu of the Ming dynasty, by comparing their commentaries on the
Shoulengyan jing. Zhiyuan regards
zhenxin (_??__??_) as of greatest import from his
weixin (_??__??_) principle, and often uses the concepts of
zhen (_??_),
wang (_??_),
zhong (_??_) in his commentary. Zhixu often uses
kong (_??_)
jia (_??_),
zhong (_??_),
zhi (_??_),
guan (_??_),
xiu (_??_),
xing (_??_),
cang (_??_),
tong (_??_),
bie (_??_),
yuan (_??_), and other Tiantai doctrines in his commentary.
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Hodo SHIOIRI
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
655-660,1301
Published: March 20, 2006
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At the beginning of Chapter Seven of the
Vimalakirti-nirdesa translated by Kumarajiva, thirty comparisons were pointed out to explain thoroughly that
sattva is non-existence, namely that it is
sunya. These comparisons are classified into three kinds: (1) Existing as phenomena but not existing as real bodies, (2) Not existing theoretically and (3) Not existing in reality in general theories.
Seeing such a classification, Zhiyi regarded these comparisons to understand respectively: (1) Earthly truth for
sattva (_??_), (2) Essential existence for
sattva (_??_) and (3) Existence enhanced from both existences (_??_). Particularly, he discussed comparisons of type (3) and elucidated that they existed in fact even though they are impossible at first glance. This explanation is a jump from the context of the sutra and quite unique from opinions of other scholars.
Though the sutra after this part elucidates the compassion of the bodhisattva, Zhiyi admitting the earthly meaning regards the
sattva, the object of the bodhisattva's compassion, as not a complete
sunya and thus finds a foundation for compassion.
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Koshi CHODO
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
661-664,1301
Published: March 20, 2006
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When we look closely into the
Fahua xuanyi _??__??__??__??_, it is often mentioned that enlightenment can be attained secretly by people with the capacity of the two vehicles.
In the
Tiwei boli jing _??__??__??__??__??_, which expounds the Five precepts and the Ten Good Acts _??__??__??__??_ to lay believers in the secular world, it is mentioned that some have covertly reached the ultimate insight,
anutpattikadharma-ksanti _??__??__??__??_, that nothing arises or perishes. Zhiyi _??__??_ acknowledged this fact and pronounced that enlightenment is possible even through Hinayana doctrines at the time of the preaching in the Deer Park _??__??__??_.
However, there is no conclusive verse or prose that can be seen as evidence in the
Tiwei boli jing which clearly indicates that some have attained enlightenment within the early stages. Thus, due to the nature of its teaching as being unable to be discussed in words fully, it must be called the secret teaching.
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Masashi YANAGAWA
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
665-668,1302
Published: March 20, 2006
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The concept of
neixun ziwu was developed by Zhanran. Zhiyi taught that the Lotus Sutra is transmitted eternally from buddha to buddha. Addressing theoretical problems posed by the Lotus Sutra having no origin in an infinite past, Zhanran proposed the existence of a first buddha. There was, however, no doctrinal basis for a first buddha. Zhanran thus determined that there was a period of “no teaching” during which the first buddha became enlightened due to his own “internal perfuming” (
neixun), instead of through coming under the influence of the teachings of a previous buddha. He used this term
neixun exclusively for discussing the enlightenment of the first buddha.
Subsequent masters of Chinese Tiantai and Japanese Tendai doctrine developed two interpretations of Zhanran's theory. One camp believed the notion of a first buddha to be factual and the other claimed it to be hypothetical. Many Song dynasty masters such as Zhili, Yuanqing, and Shanyue took Zhanran's theory at face value, while Japanese (predominately) Tendai masters such as Genshin, Kakucho, and Shoshin proclaimed it hypothetical. They raised two main objections to Zhanran's theory. First, they questioned whether it is possible to seek for a beginning of Buddhism. Second, they argued that the postulation of “no teaching” precludes the cause for becoming a buddha and that, without that cause, this explanation resembles heretical, non-Buddhist teachings. Genshin questioned Zhili's approach to this problem, and many Japanese Tendai masters agreed with Genshin's interpretation.
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Mariko WATANABE
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
669-672,1303
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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Many scholar monks of the Nichiren sect studied in
dangisho (doctrinal studies centers or workshops within the Buddhist temple establishment) of the Tendai sect. Hence many of the documents copied at these centers of learning have been preserved at temples of Nichiren sect affiliation, to the extent that the learning conducted at Tendai
dangisho can be gleaned from Nichiren sect temple documents.
This paper concerns the monk Nichii (1444-1519) who first took the tonsure in the Tendai sect under the name Taigei, studying at
dangisho at Hieizan, Jôbodaiin temple, Kanasana temple, and elsewhere. He later converted to the Nichiren sect under the guidance of Nitchô, changing his name to Nichii, and eventually became the twelfth generation abbot of Kuonji Temple, the main temple of the Nichiren sect.
While still affiliated with the Tendai sect and using the name Taigei, Nichii was chosen to be the one monk initiated into the exclusive three stage transmission at the
dangisho conducted by Eigen, seventh generation abbot of Kanasana Temple. Thus we can presume that he fully absorbed the learning conducted at Kanasana Temple, and, through studying the surviving documents that he copied as Taigei, we can discern the outlines of the scholarship transmitted there during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Many of these documents have been preserved at Kuonji Temple in the Minobu Archive, enabling scholars to identify the chronology, order, and content of initiation at Kanasana Temple. We can also see that the Lotus Sutra, documents related to The Three Great Treatises of the Tendai School (Sandaibu), works concerning doctrinal debate, and those concerning oral transmission were part of the “textbooks” that Nichii copied during his transmission studies.
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Zhe-yi PAN
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
673-677,1304
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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To obtain the truth of Buddha, Tiantai Zhiyi _??__??__??__??_ teaches that it's fine to meditate on one's own mind which is easy to be meditated on. But it tends to understand this teaching too easily from old times. In this essay, the most successful one in Tiantai study of Japan-DAIHOU Syudatsu (1804-1884)'s discussion over this problem is taken up, and the traditional comments and their limits are examined. Syudatsu centered on Zhanran _??__??_ and Zhili _??__??_, settled the traditional comments of Zhiyi's teaching in two meanings-“Jinyao _??__??_” and “Mingmiao _??__??_”. “Jinyao” means “Jinyuan _??__??_” and “Nengzao _??__??_” of one's own mind. “Mingmiao” means that one's own mind really does exist but without a form. These two meanings are taken to be complementary to each other, and because both are the dharma of mind, they also contain each other.
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Ryuko KATSUNO
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
678-681,1304
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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In the Lotus Sutra, there is a story of a child who playfully built a Buddhist stupa but attained Buddhahood by chanting Namu Buddha only once with a confused mind. This is called an incident of small virtue attaining Buddhahood. Tiantai considers this story as an important one since it candidly shows the Lotus Sutra's concept of the Truth of the One Vehicle. Tiantai thinks of behaviors of playfulness and confusion in mind as characteristics of human goodness, explaining the episode of small virtue attaining Buddhahood by the theory of Threefold Buddha-nature. The small virtue is Buddha-nature as conditional cause in Threefold Buddha-nature. Tiantai explains that Buddha-nature as complete cause also moves and Buddha-nature as direct cause appears by the movement of the Buddha-nature as conditional cause, attaining Buddhahood. This means that a practitioner is encouraged to arouse the resolve to attain Buddhahood on the basis of the Lotus Sutra.
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Syujo KIMURA
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
682-686,1305
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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The ‘Middle Way’ in Tiantai teachings has been generally interpreted as the simultaneous, balanced, and complete realization of both ‘Emptiness’ and ‘Conventionality’. However, Zhiyi's explanation on this term in his
Weimojing wenshu (
Commentary on the Passages of the Vimalakirti-nirdesa _??__??__??__??__??__??__??_) can be summarized as follows: “Both all things in the worldly realm and the inevitable consequences of sentient beings in six existences originate in ‘Ignorance’, whereas both all things in the transcendent realm and the results of the four holy attainments originate in understanding ‘Ignoiance’. Thus, ‘Ignorance’ is the originating factor of everything, and thereby ‘Ignorance’ and ‘Dharma-nature’ are neither two nor separated. When this indivisibility is applied to the observation of sentient beings, it is revealed that the ‘Middle Way’ is concealed by means of ‘Ignorance’.” In conclusion, to contemplate the Middle Way is nothing but to have an insight into ‘Ignorance’ as the ultimate origin of 'Dharma of Sentient Beings (_??__??__??_ [
Fahua xuanyi _??__??__??__??__??__??_ T33. 693b]).
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Takatsugu HONMA
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
687-690,1305
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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Not a few researchers have already discussed Saicho's use of the term “enki”, especially in interpretations of “enkiijuku”. But it seems to us that they are only rhetorical wordings, when we compare the famous passage “enkiijuku, engyotsuiko” (_??__??__??__??_, _??__??__??__??_) which began this argument with the wordings and points of Zengi's gratitude for the lecture on Tendai Teaching by Saicho. I alter the point in question to study some of Zhiyi's or Zhanran's illustrations of the term “yuanji/enki” and contrast their interpretations to Saicho's. In conclusion, though Saicho's uses of “enki” are based on Tendai Buddhism, they also contain his original point of view.
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Tomofusa UESUGI
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
691-694,1306
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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The text of the
Ojo uragaki _??__??__??__??_ is owned by the Kanagawa Prefectural Kanazawa-bunko Museum. This is a fragmentary version consisting of 14 sheets and lacking the introductory and final parts. “
Ojo uragaki _??__??__??__??_” apparently was a provisional title. The formal title of the work is unknown. However, I compared it with the
Ojo yoshu uragaki _??__??__??__??__??__??_ version in the Shimpuku-temple _??__??__??_, and my conclusion is that they are almost identical texts and that the original title was “
Ojo yoshu uragaki _??__??__??__??__??__??_”.
The
Ojo yoshu uragaki _??__??__??__??__??__??_ is an an annotation of the
Ojo yoshu _??__??__??__??_ by Shingen _??__??_ (1064-1136). The work actually represents an investigation into the textual sources of the
Ojo yoshu _??__??__??__??_.
I compared the Kanazawa-bunko version of the
Ojo yoshu uragaki with the Shimpuku-ji version, and the characteristics of the former became clear: 1) Judging from the number of its Chinese characters, the Kanazawa-bunko version represents a third of the Shimpuku-ji text. 2) The sheets in the Kanazawa-bunko version are not arranged in the correct order. 3) The missing introductory part amounts to about 3 sheets.
The
Ojo yoshu uragaki _??__??__??__??__??__??_ has been so far known only in its Shimpuku-ji version. The discovery of the Kanazawa-bunko version makes it possible to collate the two texts and opens the way for a critical edition. I hope that my diplomatic edition and study will contribute to this.
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Kojun MOMOO
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
695-699,1307
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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This paper concerns the
hongaku idea of medieval Japanese Tendai. A main problem is the meaning in which the word
shikaku is being used. I first consider the meaning of the term in the
Dacheng qixin lun. Then, I examine its use in a number of texts associated with
hongaku thought. I conclude that the term is used in a variety of senses.
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Based on the Insei era manuscript owned by Kosan-ji
Masazumi KOYAMA
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
700-704,1307
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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For a long time, Genshin's
Bodaishin-gi-yomon _??__??__??__??__??__??_ was thought to be no longer extant. However, in 1968, Sato Tetsuei _??__??__??__??_ discovered a manuscript and introduced it to academic circles. This manuscript is thought to be from the end of the Heian era or the Kamakura era. However, because this manuscript lacked its beginning, the complete contents could not be known. In examining whether or not another copy of the
Bodaishin-gi-yomon existed someplace else, I learned that there was a copy in Kosan-ji _??__??__??_. This research considers the missing section based on the manuscript owned by Kosan-ji.
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Yoshiki MATSUBARA
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
705-708,1307
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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There are three well known accounts of the Chinese Zen Master Nanyue Huairang (Jp. Nangaku Ejo): 1) he is the Dharma heir of the sixth Chinese patriarch Huineng; 2) he is considered by later generations to be an important figure as the teacher of monk Mazu Daoyi (Jp. Baso Doitsu; 707-788); 3) according to the historical account
Baolin zhuan (Jp.
Horin-den; 801), he achieved his enlightenment under the instruction of the Master Laoan (Jp. Roan; ?582-709?). This slight contradiction poses important questions about Nanyue's position in the Dharma lineage.
Nanyue's memorial epitaph was made at the request of disciples of Mazu. The implication of this event reveals an intentional distortion created by linking the two masters' Dharma lineages, Huineng and Mazu. In fact, there is almost no historical evidence that can clearly show the successive trans-mission of the three masters in their Dharma lineage. From this point of view, it is possible to argue that their genealogy was created in response to the needs of the related Chan circle. Simultaneously, this argument even raises doubts about Nanyue's historical existence itself.
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quotations from his books found in the Rentian yanmu
Kodai KOBAYAKAWA
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
709-712,1308
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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Juefan Huihong (_??__??__??__??_ 1071-1128) who was a Chan priest in the lineage of Linji-zong Huang long-pai (_??__??__??__??__??__??_) during the Beisong dynasty (_??__??_) wrote many books in his life. His works, the
Linjian lu _??__??__??_, the
Chanlin Sengbao zhuan _??__??__??__??__??_, etc., convey valuable records. Although his works were criticized as exaggerated and highly speculative by Dahui Zonggao (_??__??__??__??_, 1089-1163), it is found that some of his descriptions were frequently quoted by other Chan priests in their works. These quotations were adopted as very important records, especially in the late twelfth century
Rentian yanmu (_??__??__??__??_) of Huiyan Zhizhao (_??__??__??__??_). This report attempts to consider the estimation of Huihong, focusing on quotations from his books found in the
Rentian yanmu. Most of the quotations from his work were descriptions about the Caodong-zong (_??__??__??_), and descriptions that cannot be found in others' works were included. From this, it seems that the book the
Rentian yanmu is an important record quoting Huihong's works. In conclusion, we can give an estimation of Huihong because his works provide a valuable record of the Caodong-zong.
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Taichi TADO
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
713-716,1309
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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This paper first examines the five
abhisambodhi (stages of meditation to attain buddhahood) as described in the opening passage of the
Wubu xinguan. I then verify that this conception of the five
abhisambodhi is connected closely with that elucidated in both the
Zunsheng foding xiuyujiafa guiyi (T. 973), the translation of which is attributed to Subhakarasimha, and the
Zhufo jingjie shezhenshi jing, translated by Prajña. I conclude with thoughts on the dating of the
Wubu xinguan's formation.
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Tadashi CHIBA
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
717-721,1309
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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Raiho is the preist of the Shingon Sect belonging to the 14th century, master of Goho, and an advocate of the Toji doctrine. I want to introduce a new manuscript of the
Kyogensho by Raiho. The manuscript was written in the early Edo period, and was copied on Mt. Koya. The
Kyogensho describes the Sokushin jobutsu theory.
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Focusing on the interpretation of funi-mon
Yugo TOYOSHIMA
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
722-725,1309
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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The Shingon school in Japan attached importance to the
Shi moheyan lun (Jap.:
Shaku makaen non), a commentary on the
Dacheng qixin lun (Awakening of Faith) ascribed to Nagarjuna, because the founder Kukai used it many times in his works. Saisen (1025-1115), a scholarly monk of the Shingon school in the later Heian period, left a commentary on a part of the
Shi moheyan lun. One of the characteristics of his commentary is that non-dual Mahayana (funi makaen) is active and has an entrance gate for non-duality (funi-mon) for practitioners, while non-dual Mahayana is static and has no entrance in the
Shi moheyan lun.
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Ekyo UNO
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
726-730,1310
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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The term “dhatuvada” (j. kitai-setsu) was invented by Dr. Shiro Matsumoto in order to develop his critical examination of Buddhist thought in general. In this paper, I would like to claim that Shinran's view of buddhakaya is not applicable to the notion of Matsumoto's “dhatuvada”. For that purpose, I classified the view of buddhakaya from three standpoints, i. e., 1) buddhakaya as the ultimate reality, 2) Buddha's saving work as manifested in Buddha's Name and Buddha-body, 3) buddhakaya as immanent in all beings. In Shinran's view of buddhakaya, the second standpoint is most prominent, the first being mentioned only in relation to the second, and the third standpoint is totally ignored.
Matsumoto does not admit the second standpoint, but identifies it with the first or third one. Shinran's view of buddhakaya, however, is mainly based on it. Especially the notion of sambhogakaya, or Amida Buddha as the fulfillment of his causal Vow, is crucial. This sambhogakaya is not such a Buddha-body transformed tentatively from dharmakaya, as Matsumoto states, but rather a manifestation of Amida's saving work on all sentient beings.
Concerning the third standpoint stated above, Buddha-nature is not that which beings originally possess, but is endowed to them through Other Power of Amida.
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Tesshin KADOKAWA
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
731-736,1310
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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This paper represents an attempt at the textual criticism of several of Shinran's writings. As the result of this attempt I found that he rewrote some works in his last year, for example, changing certain terms from Tenjin _??__??_ to Seshin _??__??_ (Vasubandu) and from
shujo _??__??_ to
ujo _??__??_ (sattva).
In addition he used new terms,
toshogaku _??__??__??_ and
mujogaku _??__??__??_, for the first time at the age of eighty-five. These rewritings are due to the fact that he was facing difficult problems such as strife with his son Zenran and opposition to the Nembutsu.
So he increased his focus on Mappo consciousness, and used new terms in his last year.
Ujo signifies that all beings strive to live always to the utmost. On this account Shinran thought
ujo better than
shujo.
In the history of Chinese translations of Buddhist scriptures, the term
shujo is older than
ujo. Shinran used the new term
ujo consciously rather than the older
shujo.
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a theory based on the cultural view on self
Gakucho NAGAOKA
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
737-742,1311
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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In Shin-Buddhism, there have been two religious aspects: one is the pure religious aspect expected of Shin-Buddhists and the other is the folk aspect including worldly profits and ancestor worship. These two aspects are said to comprise the religiousness of Shin-Buddhism. As for self in Shin-Buddhism, it is assumed to consist of a mutually independent self and a cooperative self.
Taking into consideration the two religious aspects and the two types of view of self mentioned above, I try to advocate a new theory about the propagation of Shin-Buddhism.
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Kakuji SASAKI
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
743-749,1311
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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This paper is about different perspectives on understanding the truth or the Primal Vow in chapter two of the
Tannisho. According to the common understanding, the latter part of chapter two represents this chapter, but instead, the conclusion or the substance of chapter two can be seen in the first half sentence, which speaks directly about the truth or the Primal Vow.
In the latter part of chapter two is written, “If Amida's Primal Vow is true, Shakyamuni's teaching cannot be false. If the Buddha's teaching is true, Shandao's commentaries cannot be false. If Shandao's commentaries are true, can Honen's words be lies? If Honen's words are true, then surely what I say cannot be empty. Such, in the end, is how this foolish person entrusts himself [to the Vow]. Beyond this, whether you take up the nembutsu or whether you abandon it is for each of you to determine”.
This paradoxical sentence was comprehended to mean that the Primal Vow is the truth. However, this sentence begins with the assumptive word “If-”, which means the truth of Primal Vow is yet unclear. Instead, Shinran's understanding of truth can be found in the first half of sentence in chapter two, concluding “I have no idea”.
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Koyu AKABUCHI
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
750-753,1312
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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In Shin Buddhist theology from an ancient period there has been a logic named Suimyo-Jigyo. It is thought that this word is a term related to two kinds of dharmakaya seen in the
Ichinen Tanen Mon'i and
Yuisinsho Mon'i. However, the point has not been adequately considered yet, as has been stressed by Sasaki Giei.
These days it is held that the term is used in two general ways. In this paper, I examine these two interpretations, and agree that this logic expresses that movement that Amida makes to save common beings.
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Daisen TAKASE
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
754-757,1312
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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Furuta Takehiko thinks that Shinran distinguished the ultimate sinner (Gyakuho sendai) from himself. Quoting
Mattosho 19 and
Shinran shonin goshosoku 9, Furuta points out the contradiction that Shinran catches himself and others in speaking of the ultimate sinner. But, can one label others as ultimate sinners simply because one knows that one's self is such? For Shinran, the self that is known to Amida is the ultimate sinner. Shinran did not distinguish himself from the ultimate sinner, but on the contrary included himself in that category. On the basis of these two letters of Shinran we can come to understand how Shinran guided his disciples from his position of being known by Amida as an ultimate sinner.
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Yoshimichi KURODA
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
758-761,1313
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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In Jodo-shin Buddhism, leaders have been called Master “_??_” or True Teacher “_??__??__??_”. However, although these two terms are treated as the same, I think that the meanings differ. In general, the same meaning of both terms is to lead people. The most important difference is that the Master does not have the aspect of being a fellow practitioner “_??__??_”, which the True Teacher has. Shinran used both terms in this way.
Then, which image of leader, Master or True Teacher, was hoped for in the early religious community of Jodo-shin Buddhism? We can discover an answer from the Komyo-Honzon which was made between the middle of the 13th century and the middle of the 14th. It is clear that Shinran and his disciples are drawn as Honen's disciples in the Komyo-Honzon. This means that the relationship between Honen and Shinran or Shinran's disciples is a Master-disciple relationship, and the one between Shinran and his disciples is that of fellow practitioners. Therefore, it can be said that people in the community hoped for their leader to be a True Teacher because the True Teacher has the aspect of being a fellow practitioner.
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Hidemaro OKAZAKI
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
762-765,1314
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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This paper considers the term
ocho _??__??_, an important term in Shinran's thought. According to Shinran, “Ocho is the basic meaning of Jodo Shinshu.” Since the word is drawn from the Larger Pure Land Sutra and Zendou, this paper examines the case of the former. An additional point is the term
jinen (_??__??_), which is used differently in the Larger Pure Land Sutra and by Shinran, a difference which is important for our consideration of the term
ocho.
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Toyokazu AJIRO
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
766-769,1314
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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Why did Shinran quote the
Wangsheng lunzhu's explanation of “Shokudoku” in the “True Buddha Land” chapter of the
Kyogyshinsho? I most particularly examine the question of the intent behind the quotation with regard to the “original” meaning of “Shokudoku”. I conclude that the intent of the quotation is to demonstrate the reason why the True Buddha's Recompensed Land is established as fulfillment of the Primal Vow. In other words, the reason clarifies the theory of simultaneous cause and effect according to the “original” meaning.
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Tetsuryo HARADA
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
770-775,1314
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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I consider here the significance of the expression “ojo wo togu” in
Tannisho Chapter III considering how it differs from the expression “ojo wo su” in the Daigo
Honenshonin-denki and the
Kudensho of Kakunyo.
A verb “togu” expresses the difficulty of a desire, an intention or an act, of the subject. However, it cannot be said that the distinction in expression of “togu” and “su” in the phrases “ojo wo togu” and “ojo wo su” is clear in contemporary literary works and Buddhist sermons.
In Shinran's usage, expressions with “togu” tend to be related to the Primal Vow and the Other Power of Amida Buddha. Especially relevant is the phrase “Kasui no Gan” and in comparison with the “ojo wo togu” in the
Tannisho we may place an example in the
Yuishinsho-Mon'i.
In conclusion, strongly related with expression of “ojo wo togu” is the term “eshin” is used in Chapter III. This expresses the character of this chapter. This chapter is able to express the overall structure of the salvific capacity of the Pure Land teaching, grounded in the Primal Vow, in common with Shinran's expression.
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Michioki YOSHIDA
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
776-783,1315
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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Hangyo Kozen (1625-93) was the thirty-fifth abbot of Eiheiji Monastery. He edited and published the
Sofukanji inrui or
Genealogy of Zen Monks Classified by the Sound of the First Chinese Character of Each Name comprising 150 volumes (100 books) when he was the chief priest of Takanawa Sengakuji Temple in Edo for ten years. The genealogy included about five hundred Chinese Zen monks who were classified by the sound of the first Chinese character of each name. These biographies were collected by using 162 old and valuable materials. Volume 88 contains a “Life of Zen Master Dogen, ” the founder of Japanese Soto Zen. But no one has noticed this “Life of Dogen” in the
Sofukanji inrui until now.
In this “Life of Dogen” his father is stated to have been Koga Michichika, his mother to have been the daughter of Fujiwara Motofusa and his uncle on his mother's side to have been Ryokan, the eighth son of Fujiwara Motofusa. This article examines these materials.
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Kiyozumi ISHII
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
784-790,1316
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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In this paper, I would like to confirm how Dogen defines the word Bussho, or Buddha Nature, in the
Bussho fascicle of the
Shobogenzo. I conclude that the word Bussho has a meaning similar to the word Daigo, or the Great Attainment, in the
Daigo fascicle of the
Shobogenzo. It indicates the attribute of the whole world as Buddha, and its individual emergence as any phenomena could be called Shujo, or Sentient Being. Though this definition might be unique in Buddhist thought, it is a specific aspect of Dogen thought.
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Akira KASAI
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
791-797,1316
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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The purpose of this paper is to consider the economic ethics of Suzuki Shosan. Economic ethics means vocational ethics, and Suzuki explained vocational ethics in his main published work
Banmin Tokuyo. His vocational ethics was based on the principle that worldly things are Buddhism. He looked on one's vocation as the other self of the Buddha. Every vocation as training improves one and relieves his mind. There is a Japanese vocational ethics. It continues living in the Japanese mind.
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Hiroko YAMAMOTO
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
798-803,1316
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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In research up to now, it was thought that the twenty-five historical holy places of St. Honen's activities were established and pilgrimage developed only by the effort of the priest Reitaku. However, in Reitaku's own “
Guide book to twenty-five historical holy places related to the great master Enko” it is recorded that concerning the choice of the pilgrimage temples and the way of numbering the temples he inevitably followed the suggestion of Osaka-ko. Osaka-ko was a group of pilgrims and their leader was a merchant from Osaka. Osaka-ko donated pictures of St. Honen and pilgrim songs to the temple, published books of pilgrim songs and erected many memorial stones and signposts. In this way, Osaka-ko contributed to the establishment of the twenty-five historical holy places of St. Honen's activities and to the development of this pilgrimage.
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A dispute in Okayama
Sensho SAKAWA
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
804-807,1317
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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In the eighth year of Kansei (1896) occurred an incident between the Okayama clan and Nichiren sect temples concerning the name of the sect. The Okayama clan tried to forbid the use of the name Hokeshu as the sect's official name. However, in the face of the objection of Nichiren sect, they gave up their efforts. The Nichiren temple of those days considered the appellation Hokeshu to be extremely important.
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Consideration of its aspect of time
Yusetsu NISHIMOTO
2006 Volume 54 Issue 2 Pages
808-811,1317
Published: March 20, 2006
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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The purpose of this study is to clarify the aspect of time in Kiyozawa Manshi's
Genzai-anju. In the early part of my study, I refer to the criticism of Soga Ryojin against Kiyozawa's
Seishin-shugi (Spiritual Activism). The main point of the criticism by Soga, in short, is the lack of the practice of compassion and the norm of conduct for the future in Kiyozawa's
Genzaianju.
In the second part of this paper, I consider “
Seishinshugi-to-sanze” as Kiyozawa's reply to the criticism of Soga. Kiyozawa responds to this criticism, saying that “
Seishin-shugi is
Akirame-shugi (the resignation attitude) for the past,
Seishin-shugi is
Anju-shugi (peaceful settlement) in the present,
Seishin-shugi is
Funrei-shugi (doing one's best) for the future.” [KMZ, vol. 6, p. 91] Besides he insists that the principal aim of the
Seishin-shugi is peaceful settlement in the present time. In the course of my argument it should become clear that Kiyozawa insists that compassion does not have meaning for the past and the future but has meaning for the faith in the present moment and that
Genzai-anju realizes release from recollection of the past and the future and that
Genzai-anju results in
Akirame-shugi for the past and
Funrei-shugi for the future.
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