This article scrutinizes, firstly, the concept of ‘global governance,’ and by its elucidation, we illuminate the concept of ‘governance.’ In regard to this elucidation, we refer to some issues of global warming and its solutions, poor South dependency and its transformation, and analyze theoretical bases of dependency theory, world system theory, peace studies, neo-liberalism and constructivism in international relations theory. Through such a pathway, secondly, we analyze the different connotations of ‘globalization’ and ‘globalism’ in confronting with neo-liberal theorist Robert Keohane, and shed light on the ambiguity of his concept ‘globalism.’ After the unilateral ruling of the United States, its magisterial attitude has been blamed and it has been exposed the criticism of anti-Americanism. Globalization has been considered as Americanization, and it is the reason that anti-Americanism has occurred. However, Koehane and his co-editor Peter Katzenstein, a theorist of constructivism, are reluctant to admit such a present condition. Leaving behind the light of his own countenance of Americanism, we think about, thirdly, globalization has entered into another phase to promote ‘virtualization’ and governance by networks, and globalization has inspired a shift in activities away from the state, i.e. the ‘hollowing out of the sate’ in the globalized society. It is true that the age of anarchical society of state-centric framework was over, and the trilogy of multiple actors, such as nation states, TNCs and NGOs, is forming the governance by networks. However, among tiers of global, regional, national and local level, especially in the framework of national level, we cannot but think the state, i.e. the central government remains to be the administrative core and take an important role of governance. Accordingly, in our conclusion, the present governing framework is composed of ‘governance including government,’ instead of James Rosenau’s coinage of ‘governance without government.’
The ecological crisis, most famously represented by the issues of global warming, stepped up the political agenda of policy-makers in the domestic and international arenas. Environmental degradation, such as transboundary pollution, states a challenge to the traditional thinking of democracy and sovereignty. In arguing that the environment is underrepresented in IR theory due to the notorious anthropocentric approach of the old paradigm of rationalism, we discuss prospects for a ‘greening’ of IR. Against this background, we attempt to discuss aspects of green political thought (GPT) in the context of IR. Here, we focus on the work of Robyn Eckersley, who argues for a re-invention of the liberal democratic state into an ecological democracy and thus for a ‘greening’ of the state within and outside the boundaries of statehood. ‘Greening’ here, we argue, requires a theoretical approach which takes identities and interests seriously. It is here that we base our discussion on the work of Alexander Wendt, who developed constructivism into a systematic theory in IR. We try to bring Wendt’s and Eckersley’s thought together and to offer some answers for the state of the current ecological crisis. Against this background we argue that nature is a paramount non-constructible structure and introduce the notion of eco-centrism. Thus, we argue for a rethinking of actors’ behavior within nature as a structure. It is in this context that we apply constructivism, because it offers a feasible theoretical approach for a ‘greening’ of states’ identities and interests and thus to develop approaches toward the solution of the ecological crisis faced by the international society.
The Prime Minister Abe’s attempt to establish a Japanese counterpart of the American National Security Council (NSC) is a further example of Japanese leaders’ trying to import or imitate American institutions. Scholars as well as politicians assume that American presidents enjoy more power than prime ministers themselves do, but one may wonder whether or not differences between the presidential and parliamentary systems are so critical to the political outcomes. Reviewing American presidency studies as well as studies on inter-branch relations reveal that the leaders in both the U.S. and Japan are constrained by advisory systems, and party coherence. Though this article applies the frameworks from American studies to Japanese aid administration, it does not mean to imply that the institutional differences do not matter. Rather, in a similar way to Rockman’s (1997) implication, it puts more priority on understanding the motivations of actors within networks with regard to foreign aid activities rather than overemphasizing institutional differences. This article claims that when one attempts to solve puzzles associated with executive behaviors, we can apply the same framework to both presidential and non-presidential systems. This is true especially when various actors commit themselves to foreign aid activities such as in the Japanese “Participatory ODA.” The case study of foreign aid for China (the PRC) underpins this contention.
In the policy information market, a politician demands policy knowledge and information. When making a policy decision, he/she is confronted with considerable uncertainty about policy impacts, citizens’ preferences and their reactions to his/her decision. A politician aiming at reelection will make an effort to make a deliberate decision so that the possibility of reelection could increase. Such decision making is facilitated by policy knowledge and information, which he/she seeks. Policy knowledge and information, hence, are strategically important to him/her. In normative terms, as well, a politician should obtain knowledge and information on public policy. This is the case especially given that policymaking at the initiative of politicians has been emphasized recently; a politician is expected to be actively engaged in policymaking, not to depend excessively on bureaucrats. It follows that he/she has to have sufficient ability to deal with complicated policy problems. To acquire such ability, various pieces of knowledge and information need to be given to him/her. This paper focuses on policy analysts as suppliers of policy knowledge and information. Policy analysts are often confronted with the gap between a policy outcome shaped in the policymaking process and policy knowledge they supply, and hope to have such knowledge more utilized so that this gap could be bridged. They are required, consequently, to actively sell their products (viz., knowledge and information) to politicians, consumers of those products. The current emphasis on political initiative, moreover, is considered to give policy analysts a good chance to sell their products. A limited number of producers of knowledge and information used to be allowed to enter the policy information market, such as bureaucrats. Such a regulation has been eased now; more various producers including policy analysts can supply their products to customers. Policy analysts’ possible strategies for knowledge utilization are examined, in this paper, in terms of demonstration, timing and sales methods. Policy analysts need to briefly explain the advantages of a policy instrument they consider as socially desirable, through using simple and symbolic words; to sell their products when an issue is highly salient; and to be directly involved in policymaking and exchange information with politicians. Even if policy analysts try to be directly involved in policymaking, nevertheless, knowledge they supply is not necessarily linked to a policy decision. In the successful cases referred to in this paper, the political leaders tied policy research to a reform under discussion. Such a strong leader, however, does not always control the policymaking process. How to make the policy information market more efficient, hence, should be considered in institutional terms; developing the system which connects policy knowledge and information to policy deliberation is worthy to be done.
How to improve public services depends not only on the quantity of investment by governments, but also on the innovation of mechanism involving other multiple social actors. Authors believe that the ‘multi-center’ structure of public service provisions should be advocated. Furthermore, the importance of synergy achieved by cooperation among governments, enterprises, non-profit organizations and insightful citizens should be emphasized. It is necessary for governments to positively seek the innovation of mechanism in the perspective of cooperation and collaboration, especially in a situation which civil society is not matured and undeveloped as well as in other areas where the market competition is weak or immature. Based on the co-governance approach, authors discuss the necessity and feasibility to build the mechanism of flexible organizational networks (FON), which is in principle participation and co-operation of multiple subjects and actors. The role and function of the government, whether central or local, in this mechanism is also analyzed not only in advanced countries but also in developing countries.
In the United States, the education level strongly correlates with socioeconomic status. This paper examines relationship between social stratification and public education system. Three questions will be addressed: Does current education system in the United States reinforce social stratification? Is the reason to be found in the fact that current education system distributes resources unequally? Has issue of unequal education shifted from race to class? Data collected from federal and states governments to understand situation among schools. This study finds that inequality among schools is caused mainly by discrimination against the poor and minorities. The current education system reinforces social stratification because of unequal resources. The issue of unequal education has shifted not from race to class but race to race, “social minority” and class, “economic minority.”
We show that the multiplication map of global sections of an ample line bundle and a nef line bundle on a projective toric surface is surjective. We also prove that on a Gorenstein toric 3-fold whose anti-canonical bundle is nef, the multiplication of global sections of an ample line bundle by those of the anti-canonical bundle is surjective.
In this paper, we show new formulas on finite element method (FEM) and three dimensional FEM. By making use of them, we give several computer visions for the eigenvalue problems of the Laplacian for bounded domains and embedded compact surfaces in the three dimensional Euclidean space. As its applications, we can examine several examples to Yau’s problem on the eigenvalues between embedded surfaces and their enclosed three dimensional bounded domains.
We study heat kernels of locally finite graphs and discrete heat equation morphisms. These are combinatorial analogs to heat equation morphisms in Riemannian geometry (cf. E. Loubeau, ), parallel closely the discrete harmonic morphisms due to H. Urakawa, , and their properties are related to the initial value problem for the discrete heat equation. In applications we consider Hamming graphs (using the discrete Fourier calculus on Z2N), establish a heat kernel comparison theorem, and study the maps of ε-nets induced by heat equation morphisms among two complete Riemannian manifolds.
We call the harmonic wavelet analysis by means of rapidly decaying harmonic wavelets the rd harmonic wavelet analysis. It is applied to data of sound, and comparison is made of the results obtained by using two kinds of rd harmonic wavelets and two ways of calculating the inner products in the numerical calculation. A practical method of applying the rd harmonic wavelet analysis is proposed.
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