This article examines changes in trading between Choson Korea and Qing Manchuria, from 1637 to 1644, focusing on Choson's situation and reaction to the changes. Choson, who was defeated by Qing during the Bingzi War in 1637, was ordered to send regular tributes to Qing, and princes to Shenyang. Choson began to send tributary goods and an annual gift, suibi, to Qing. Suibi was intended to compensate for Qing's weak economy. Choson also began an open market at the Qing border, Hoeryong, in 1638. After 1637, irregular trading between Choson and Qing increased. This increase forced the Choson government to collect goods from all over the country to meet the demands. However, Choson could also buy commodities from Qing for agricultural reproduction, such as cows and cotton seeds. Choson prohibited officials from carrying tobacco and qingbu, Chinese blue cotton cloth, to Qing, and restricted the number of horses that could be taken. Choson was given a lot of additional responsibilities and duties related to Qing from 1637 to 1644. It is likely that Choson was forced to support Qing economically. After Qing entered Beijing, the need for Korean goods decreased dramatically.

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As is usually the case with Inner Asian dynasties that ruled vast territories, the Timurid Dynasty operated a postal system, which encompassed an extensive web of postal stations. This system was instrumental in allowing the Timurids to acquire information rapidly, and it also facilitated the movement of both military personnel and civilians. The system was also used for time-tracking: For instance, citing how many postal stations there were between two cities proved to be a relatively reliable way of calculating distance. This truly demonstrates the importance of the postal system under the Timurid Dynasty, especially as far as transport is concerned. In this paper, I examine the postal station as a criterion of time-tracking and relate it to a unit called farsah or farsang. I also discuss the way in which the Timurid Dynasty could retain and manage the postal station as a constant criterion. Specifically, I examine the system of postal stations, the permission needed in order to conduct a journey, how such permission was acquired, who could supply such permission, the benefits of such permission, and the support of the siqa'uls. The results of my investigation demonstrate how the Timurid rulers kept this web of postal stations in their lands and how they used them in order to obtain valuable information as quickly as possible, especially during emergencies.

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This note is a brief view of the Buddhist scripture translated into the Turkic language from the apocryphal Chinese Bayangjing, referring to the relationship between the other translations in Tibetan and Mongolian. Judging from the quantitative and linguistic abundance of extant fragments and their rich content, there can be discussion that this scripture circulated widely and over a long period of time among Uighur Buddhists. It should also be noted that the Bayangjing which was not included in the official canon, includes scathing criticism of the yin-yang theory and undue concern for good and bad fortune. According to Overmyer's review (1990: 213), this work may be a Buddhist gospel of liberation from taboos and divination. We will study on the influence of Uighur Buddhism in Mongolian translations of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries through a comparative study of the Mongolian and Turkic translations of the Bayangjing. And also it is very interesting that various Tibetan translations of the Bayangjing deal with the relations between Chinese originals.

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