In this article, I tried to sort out what has been clarified and what have been considered as research questions through the study of “homelessness” in Japan since the 1990s. First, homeless studies in Japan had started in parallel with social construction process of “homeless problem” and in that process, Yoseba studies had been rediscovered as previous homeless studies. In the studies on the actual conditions and background of homeless people, the relationship between the actual condition of homeless people and their meaning world and the severe environment in which they were placed was one of the issues. And based on the mass survey results, it has been explored that how homeless people have socially produced. Also, these points have been studied; what kind of changes have been made in relation to local governments. In addition, how and why homeless people have been excluded from public spaces, what the homeless movement organizations have pursued and what has been done. In addition, in the studies on policies for homeless people, what have happened in the self-reliance support centers, what kind of the problems are occurring in the process of transition from street to permanent housing have been pointed out. Additionally, attributes such as mental disease and disorder in homeless people has been pointed out. Lastly, some main issues in the future studies on homelessness had pointed out; the relationship with the lower labor market, the meaning of the change of relationshipbetween social movement organization for homeless people and local governments, and the conflict between “inclusion”and “exclusion” due to the development of support measures for homeless people.

  Housing first is supporting practices aims to provide immediate residence to homeless people under chronical conditions. It is often considered as extraordinarily innovative practices compared to the past policies for given immediate priority to ‘housing ready’ on homeless people under any circumstances, and it espouses recovery approaches. Meanwhile, the housing first has been received various criticisms, and accused of complicity with neoliberalism. In this context, the purpose of this paper is to reconsider the complicity by critically focusing on following three dimensions of neoliberalism; ideologies, governmentalities, and policies. It is found out that ideas of homeless-zero, self-responsibility, and cost reduction are the points of complicity among them. In order to overcome such complicities, this paper explores an alternative way for supporting homeless people based on the innovative logic of housing first by avoiding complicities, and relocates housing first as a social movement in the context of homeless movement in Japan. Overall, this paper points out that the essences of housing first toward radical social movement are circulation, dialogue, and universalization.

  This paper analyse the transformation of San’ya through the lens of gentrification. In so doing, this paper reveals the way the concept is useful or not to understand the process undergoing in the area. The foci of the analysis are two-fold. Firstly, this paper gives an overview of the spatial transformations in and around San’ya in relation to urban policies, examining its effects on the residents with particular concern with their displacement. Secondly, this paper reveals how people in San’ya area understand the ongoing process of spatial transformations. For these purposes, this paper draws on statistical data including the National Census and qualitative data from participatory observation and interviews. The following three points will be indicated in this paper. Firstly, the San’ya area has seen a significant rise in white collar population along with an increase in the ratio of residence living in collective housing, which is partly caused by urban housing policies at national and local governments. However, the socio-spatial change is largely different from state-led urban transformations indicated in planetary gentrification studies. Secondly, the urban bottom people in San’ya are suffering from multiple forms of displacement, although each fragment of the urban bottom experiences displacement in different manner. Finally, it is revealed that, in San’ya, the urban bottom are categorized by its residents in various ways under the context of gentrification, and that there are forms of social relations between the urban bottom and other old-timers which cannot be captured by the concept. Regarding the last point, this paper indicates that the perspective of authenticity, rather than the concept of gentrification, provides an analytical tool to tackle the issue.

  Although facilities for the poor tend to have conflicts over their construction and establishment, there are cases in which facilities and communities are in “good relationship”. Previous studies of facility conflict focused on facility-oriented analysis in analyzing factors that prevent conflict, but the factors that led to acceptance decisions by local communities have not been actively analyzed. This article examines the factors that make it possible for facilities and communities to continue their “good relationship” mainly by examining the case of facility A in region X.

  Factors derived from the study focusing on the region X side are “Structural changes in the region and ‘crisis’ recognition”, and “‘moderate’ tensions between the facility and the community against the backdrop of the population, including silent inhabitants”. The acceptance decision by region X is influenced by changes in the population due to social changes during the period. This creates a sense of crisis for community management, and facility A is also recognized as resources for solving local problems. Moreover, the fact that the poor still tend to be strongly perceived as uninvited visitors makes facilities and communities aware of each other’s tensions on a daily basis, which is linked to various efforts for the coexistence of facilities and communities.

  That is, the relationship between the institution and the community always has potential conflicts. The interaction between facility and community in the “good relationships” should be understood as arising from each other’s interests under the conflict. In daily practice, both are being tested for “quality of democracy”.

  The purpose of this paper is to clarify the possibility of forming agencies and bases against gentrification in modern Japanese urban space through the case of the homeless movement of Osaka Castle Park. After the enforcement of the “Act on Special Measures concerning Assistance in Self-Support of Homeless” in 2002, the number of homeless people in Japan has drastically decreased since its peak in 2003. The current logic of urban governance in Osaka City is designed to influence the autonomy of urban residents and to function through the management of urban space. Now that tents have been eliminated and the number of homeless people has decreased, supporters cannot help the homeless even in the elimination phase. Under these circumstances, however, supporters have continued efforts relied on location. As a result, the relationship between supporters and homeless people was rebuilt, and the base of the homeless movement （street community） was created. The placeness of urban space in homeless support consists of three conditions: visibility, continuity, and uniqueness of place. Not only agencies of the homeless who are involved in the homeless movement, but also agencies of the supporters are built by the cooperative relationship between the homeless and the supporters. Because urban governance structures operate through space, placeness must be relied upon to produce practices that can counter them. The attempt of the homeless movement to create alternative value while allowing multiple actors to co-exist is exploring its possibilities to the best of their ability.

  This paper explores the diversity of strategies employed by Tanzanian people with physical disabilities to escape from the uneasy relationship within their relatives in the pursuit of independent living.

  In Japan, social activists with physical disabilities （especially those with cerebral paralysis） have claimed the “emancipation from parents”, which has led to the accumulation of studies on datsukazoku （‘getting out of family’）, the phenomena of independent living out of existing parents’ “affectionate” protection. In the framework of Modern Family Studies, it has been discovered that what has conditioned the need of datsukazoku is the absence of universal social welfare services and the norm of family care responsibility. The concept of datsukazoku has been considered unique to the Japanese society, without looking into foreign （non-Western） societies that share these two conditions.

  This study aims at applying and expanding the concept of datsukazoku by examining two narratives by people with physical disabilities in Tanzania who migrated from their home villages to Dar es Salaam, the largest city in the country. Focuses are put on the migration process and the reconstruction of the relationship with ex-caregivers after achieving independent living. The result suggests the following points as new parameters for a more generalized framework of datsukazoku: （i） Previous studies have argued almost exclusively on families of orientation, but we must take into consideration families of procreation as a distinctive form of ‘family’ in the Tanzanian cases, （ii） In a society where the rural-urban relation is economically hierarchical, attaining urban residential status influences to reconstruct the family relationship between the person with disabilities and the rural community （including family） members.

  This paper reviews earlier studies that examine how anthropologists have understood the concepts of poverty. It reveals the focus and objectives of the anthropological studies on poverty. The major anthropological studies of poverty have primarily focused on economic anthropology, ecological anthropology, and social exclusion and inclusion, including Oscar Lewis’s famous “Culture of Poverty” （1966）, and the studies that followed. Most recent studies are founded on constructionism, though some studies use a development-as-discourse approach.

  In this thesis, I present a framework of the categorization of poor people. Benedict Anderson’s 1983 book Imagined Communities and the theory of ethnos are the most popular studies based on the theory of categorization. Not only these studies, but issues of caste and indigenous peoples, are analyzed using the theory of categorization. Arjun Appadurai’s studies are based on the theory of categorization, and present an analysis of globalization. In these studies, governments or suzerains categorize people forcefully; however, sometimes people deny that categorization and insist on another category. Sometimes people use these categories strategically. These categories are not static and objective, but dynamic and subjective. Categories often change, and are different in each viewpoint.

  Studies using this approach describe the drastic situation of categorized people. If people are categorized as “poor people” by development agencies, this approach attempts to describe the reaction of people who are thus categorized. Depending on the situation and social context, the categorized people may become “poor people” strategically or may deny this category. Or categorized people may change their attitude. Categorized people’s viewpoints and reaction are not always same. They may react individually. The significance of this study is that it proposes a framework for the categorization of poor people.

  This paper examines the problematization of entertainment work and entertainment visas in the context of Japanese immigration control.

  The “feminization of migration” in Asia today is characterized by global crossborder flows of migrant women. Japan is a top receiving country therein, and patterns of female migration to Japan are unique relative to other countries. For instance, since the 1980s, most migrant women from the Philippines have entered Japan as entertainers on “entertainment” visas.

  Prior to the 2000s, “entertainment” was the only legal category for immigration to Japan readily accessible to migrant women. Currently, women find it more difficult to enter Japan on “entertainment” visas because they, especially if from the Philippines, are considered trafficked persons rather than labor migrants owing to a reversal in immigration policy rooted in national and international anti-trafficking trends. However, this change has received little attention in scholarly literature.

  In this paper, I explore the meaning of “entertainment” by migrant women in Japan using discourse analysis of text from the Immigration Bureau’s monthly magazine Kokusai Jinryū from the 1980s to the 1990s. I pursue the following three questions: （1） Who are permitted entertainers in entertainment visa categories, （2） How has the category of “entertainment” developed in relation to immigration policy, （3） How have the boundaries between legal “entertainment” and illicit “hostess work” been managed and maintained?.

  The purpose of this essay is to examine the impact of urban entrepreneurism in Johannesburg, South Africa. The paper analyses the rise and fall of Maboneng precinct, a cultural-led urban rejuvenation in the inner-city of Johannesburg based on David Harvey’s theory on pursuits of monopoly rent by symbolic capital. In 2014, Maboneng attracted young creative class and many social and artistic projects happened there. At the same time, the weak were excluded from the space in the process of gentrification. In 2018, Maboneng became more commercial-oriented space which made Maboneng more ordinary place. As a result, the developer of Maboneng bankrupted after the intervention of a big investment bank. This story shows some importance of the theory of Harvey to criticize recent promotion of the creative city.