This paper tries to trace the studies of Bennett, R.J. in the 1980s, which developed the geography of public finance (GoPF) and the geography of public administration (GoPA) under the view of policy science, and the criticisms of these studies by geographers. Following this, this paper examines the implications of these studies. In the 1980s, Bennett advanced his GoPF studies as a prospective area for quantitative geography to make significant contributions for public policies. He reviewed various public finance studies and distilled geographical elements from them (Bennett, 1980). Then, he chose the Rate Support Grant, a fiscal equalization scheme in the U.K., for his empirical study (Bennett, 1982c). Bennett (1980) drew appreciation from two leading geographers-Allen Scott and Ron Johnston-who particularly praised his timeliness and pioneering acumen. Nevertheless, both of them criticized him for using methods of policy science (especially, normative economics) uncritically without deeply examining the meanings of the norms and clarifying his theoretical position. In the late 1980s, Bennett advanced international comparative studies and political studies, and came to recognize the importance of regional, political, economic, social, and historical context in GoPF and GoPA. Nevertheless, his interest shifted to small and medium enterprise policies and local economic policies, and he stopped working on GoPF and GoPA in the 1990s. He thus was unable to produce quantitative GoPF and GoPA studies that considered in detail the meanings of the various norms and contextualities. These tasks are left for present-day researchers.

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The purpose of this study is to reveal the agglomeration structure of the plastic model kit industry in the Shizuoka region of Japan through interviews and an analysis of published data. Firms located in the Shizuoka region can be classified into the following three types: firms that were originally located in Shizuoka and entered the plastic model kit industry from the wooden model kit industry (Shifted firms), firms that spun-off from a Tokyo head office in the 1970s (Entering firms), and firms that spun-off from Shifted firms after 2000 (Spun-off firms). The product flow of these firms can be classified as either a Central type (Shifted firms and Spun-off firms) or a Network type (Entering firm). Shifted firms have formed a central type division of labor and have managed the quality and storage of the products by themselves because they want to maximize the utilization of their assets and avoid the risks associated with leaked information and the loss of molds. On the other hand, entering firms have formed a network type division of labor because they need to produce large quantities of various products in a short period. Both types of division of labor are formed on mutual trust and knowledge sharing between firms and partners with long-term transactional relationships. By contrast, Spun-off firms have inherited the transactional method and manufacturing know-how from their parent firms. They have also formed a central type division of labor because of their weak business base and the necessity to keep and control the quality and storage of products. Spun-off firms are new and so need to transact with unfamiliar partners. In an attempt to reduce the transitional risks with unfamiliar partners, many spun-off firms often interact with firms holding transactional relationships with their parent firms. It is easy for spun-off firms to build mutual trust with such firms because they are absolutely receptive to the obsession and passion of producing plastic model kits and that makes communication between spun-off firms and partners easy and smooth. With a Central type division of labor, it is important that the firm and partners are close to each other to reduce the transportation costs. With the network type division of labor, partners should also be located close to each other. For both types of division of labor, the proximity is important for reducing the inefficiency of transactions through distribution. Plastic model kit production firms are often familiar with regional partners and keeping transactional relationships. Regardless of the division of labor types, what secures the transactional relationship is mutual trust that is reinforced by face-to-face communication. The bond with regional partners is also the important factor influencing plastic model kit producing firms to come to Shizuoka.

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This study focuses on local trade fair held in industrial agglomerations. It examines the development of various relationships among actors, such as exhibitors and attendees, at the trade fairs as temporary clusters. Since the first fair in 2002, the Suwa Area Industrial Messe, which is a trade fair of high precision technology, has expanded its scale and is now recognized as an important event for firms in the Suwa area, Nagano prefecture. The purposes of participation at the trade fair are many. First, the observation of other exhibitors' skills and new products is important. Also, business talks with non-local firms who are potential customers and the acquisition of new orders become possible during the fairs. In particular, the fairs boost the generally weak marketing power of the small- and medium-sized firms in the Suwa area. Additionally, they offer exhibitors the opportunity to construct long-term business relationships and mutual trust by inviting existing customers to attend. The manufacturing wholesalers and exhibitors that succeed in cultivation of market with foreign countries play great role in acquiring information and needs of non-local markets at the fairs. This non-local information and knowledge can spill over to local firms that do not participate at the fairs via horizontal relationships such as study meetings and research workshops in industrial agglomerations.

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[in Japanese]

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