In Japan, Apportionment is a constitutionally required issue that is to allocate the number of seats in the House of Representatives in proportion to the population in each constituency. The history and common sense prove that imperative issue is representational imbalance be solved in a manner that meets the principle of fairness. The bill proposing the new electral system of somewhat strange type has already passed both Houses of the Diet. The working committee reported to the Prime Minister, their plan of reorganizing the constituencies on August 12, 1994. Based upon the plan, an Act is anticipated to become effective in the beginning of 1995. I have repeatedly filed a suit against the issue of malapportionment in Japan with the desire of realizing the true rights of “equal protection under the law” for the nation. This paper sets forth the new electoral system in the House of Representatives in Japan and the effect that would be brought about to the voters rights by emphasizing the significance of adjusting the current method of apportionment.
The multimember constituency system of the Japanese House of Representatives adopted in 1925 has lasted up to the present time, with the exception of a general election in 1946. This system is unique in the world and has influenced the electoral behavior of candidates as well as voters in Japan. It is inevitable that candidates from the same party are in competition. One remarkable characteristic of the election results at the district level is that votes obtained by an individual candidate show a tendency to concentrate into the particular area. To examine the regional distribution of votes, we use the RS index and the DS index which was devised by Mizusaki, and trace the scores in the general elections from 1958 to 1993. The computed values have been decreasing year by year, but in some rural districts both indices show still very high scores. The phenomenon of the concentration of votes in a particular area in a district has been considered as a reflection of premodern electoral behavior. Although this view cannot be denied in this paper, we try to explain the phenomenon in a different way. We would like to show that the spatial competitions aomng the plural candidates from the same party can be interpreted as a rational behavior with the strategy to win elections.
In the context of “Shou-senkyoku=Hirei-daihyou=Heiritsu-sei, “Duverger's Law” will be studied using a game theoretical model. The main result is two theorems. The Negative Theorem is that exit from an election, which means implicit alliance, occurs only if the Condorcet winner is not the biggest party. The Positive Theorem is that except for the case of a chicken game without suitable focal point, the Condorcet winner always wins the election in the equilibrium.
This paper discusses about relationship among party identification, issue preferences and politicians' evaluations in order to get a clue to analyze why one has a partisanship though party system are very confusing under Japan's partisan realignment after 1993 general election. Author measured undergraduate students' partisanship by a set of 5 point-scale responding to every party one by one, and preferences for political issues and leaders were also gauged by same 5 point-scales. Using these empirical datasets, the paper certified the multidimensional structure of partisanship and show the deference between multidimensional partisanship and traditional one, which are scaled as “the most favorable party” choosing from parties' list. After that, factor analysis was made and several characteristic interactions among multidimensional partisanship, issue preferences and politicians' evaluations were found.
We make some case studies of the first universal suffrage for the Hyogo prefectural assembly in 1927 (Showa2). Especially, we describe circumstances in the Eastern Harima region in details. As criticised as “a strictly limited and silent election”, this election was a false universal suffrage without a popular election campaign. Howevwer, it is remarkable that Chouzou Yukimasa, a candidate of Japan Labor and Farmer Party (JLFP) in Kako district, won a seat at the head of the poll. It was the climax of the democratic movement in this region. Furthermore, it is also remarkable that Jituzou Furuya, a candidate of Labor and Farmer Party (LFP) in Kasai district, got so close to the candidate of Minsei Party as to get 38% of votes.
This article examines the 1989 direct elections to the European parliament, particularly the case of France. The french campaigne of the elections was personalized by the heads of the lists. The period of the campaigne was very short, and the contents of the campaigne were, very ambiguous, unclear and abstract. The main themes of the french political parties were, the socislist's “The New Land”, Giscard's “the Chance”, Veil's “the Centerist for Europe”, the communist's “the another Europe”, LePen's “Europe of the fatherlands”, and the Greens concept of “Ecological Europe”. Low turnout of European Elections was the result of mixing with different factors-the attitude to European Integration, compulsory or noncompulsory voting, lacking interest in European Affiars, personal reasons and so on-. In European level, the results of the elections were, in turn, maintaining the balance between the Socialists and the Christian Democrats, radical raising of the Ecologists, dividing the communists into the two groupes and obstinate remaining of the extreme Right. In France, first of all, one of the results of the elections was the win of the list of Giscard d'Esting, but his victory was not a absolute one. Secondly, nobody could not predict the failure of the veil's list. For centerrist, especially for Veil, this meant the failure of the autonomous strategy. Third, the situation of the socialist, strictly speaking, neither winner nor loser, was the stagnation. Forth nature of the elections was the radical development of the french Green party. This ecological trend was very european. Fifth characteristics of the elections was the stabilization of the National Front, the french extreme right party. Finally the power of the french traditional communist party was, clearly, falling.
This paper examines the electoral reforms of the Hong Kong Legislative Council (Legco) that were adopted on June 30, 1994. After an examination of the level of democracy in Hong Kong's political system, the current electoral system and Governor Christopher Patten's bill are reviewed. This paper then analyzes the political parties' behavior toward Patten's reforms. The conclusion of this study is that while Patten's effort may have introduced some level of democracy into Hong Kong for a few years, his proposition also simultaneously accelerated Chinese interference. Hong Kong's situation is unique, in that the mere proposal of electoral reforms in a limited region brought about an international conflict. After 154 years of British rule, Hong Kong will soon be handed over to the People's Republic of China. Gov. Patten, appointed by Great Britain, has waged a controversial campaign to introduce democracy to Hong Kong for the past two years, and finally he has barely succeeded in passing some reforms. The main objectives of Patten's reforms are as follows: • Dramatic expansion of the use of direct elections • The application of objective criteria to determine which officials can serve beyond 1997, an employment situation commonly called a “through train” • Lowering the legal voting age from 21 to 18 • The abolishment of corporate voting in existing constituencies, and also in nine newly-established functional constituencies • The appointment of Election Committee members to elect District Board members. Political parties in Hong Kong have taken positions in favor or opposition to Patten's reforms depending on how economically interdependent they are with the PRC, as well as how much they trust or distrust the PRC. It is still questionable whether the introduction of democracy to Hong Kong will have much impact on public opinion, especially as there is widespread cynicism that Britain simply wants to put on a good show before it leaves, while China is merely biding its time before drastically rearranging Hong Kong's political system, The victim of these international political games is Hong Kong.