The Parties became parts of the formal political structure in 1889 with establishment of the Lower House by the Meiji Constitution. But the institutional Meiji arrangement established by the constitution was unfavorable to them.Among the institutions created by the constitution was the House of Peers, a body not popularly elected, and therefore immune from dissolution. Beside sit has institutional equality with the Lower House. Despite this structural disadvantage of the political framework, party men thought that the constitution didn't specifically deny the establishment of party cabinet. The Breakout of the Second Movement for Constitutional Government in 1924 broke down the Kiyoura Cabinet, which was called "the House of Peer's Cabinet". The parties asked the reform of the House of Peers, and made their own ideas about that.

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1.Introduction 2.Debate on the Japan's national security before the Korean War and the change of the international security environment 3.Debate on the Japan's national security after the outbreak of the Korean War and the change of response by Yoshida cabinet 4.The change of public opinion over the national security 5.Conclusion The main purpose of this paper is to make clear the following three points by which the influence of the Korean War towards the variation of Japan's debate over national security. Firstly, until before the outbreak of the Korean War, there was flourishing debate on the Japanese national security under the assumption that the sovereignty were achieved by reaching the Peace Treaty. The focal point of the debate was the feasibility of neutral policy as Japan'sp ossible security policy options, event hought Japan was then under the occupation of the United States. Secondly, even thought Japanese political orientation after the defeat of war was explicitly inclined towards the neutral policy for various reasons, the public opinion supported in general the Yoshida's security policy, the so called Yoshida doctrine, which focused on the indispensability of limited dependence on the united states. It also included implicitly the pursuit of economic reconstruction, gradual rearmament corresponding to the economic capacity, and the offering of military bases to the UnitedS tates. In addition, some nationalistsw ho insisted on the drastic rearmament got sympathetic assistance to some extent from the general public. Thirdly, once the Korean War broke out, the direction of debate over the national security issue, being held independently in domestic, turned the other way. The arguments of neutrality and over-all peace treaty lost their theoretical bases and so did in reality. Yoshida's cabinet got the political legitimacy of its dependence policy on the United States. This also helped Yoshida pursue his national security policy with confidence. Furthermore, the Korean War made it possible for the Japanese latent consciousness on the national security to be awakened and become more realistic.In conclusion, the U.S.-Japanese alliance was not the by-product stemmed from the change of international situation which originated from the Korean War, but the result of independent debate which was domestically already full fledged on the stage of discussion before the outbreak of the Korean War. Summing up, the old 'theory of Kamikaze of the Korean War', which treats the Korean War as the decisive factor forming Japanese-U.S. security system and rearmament of Japan, has gone too far in emphasizing the outside factors in the formation of Japan's foreign policy. This theory is dependent only on the textual interpretation.

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City planning administration in prewar Japan was predicated on autonomy. And City Planning Act was expected to solve urban problems. However, Kanto Earthquake attacked before the law obtains good results, and the reconstruction from the disaster became the first large city planning under the law. At first, the plan was to be carried out by the central government. But the House of Representative did not allow that because city planning administration was thought that local government had to execute. So the House adopted that the reconstruction plan was to be carried out by mainly local governments. But the plan came to practical issue, especially land redjustment, little local government executed the administration. Rather local governments expected to central government to carry out the plan, because of the financial problems. Then, city planning administration in Japan had central-dependent constitution.

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In section 1, constitutional issues of the House supermajority rule are examined. On the opening day of the 104th Congress, the Republican-controlled House of Representatives adopted Rule XXI that requires a three-fifths vote to pass an increase in income tax. In approving this rule, the House relied on its constitutionally delegated power to determine the rules of its proceedings. In section 2, procedual obstacles to a rule challenge are described. Before a decision on the constitutionality of the rule can be reached, two hurdles must be overcome; the doctrine of legislative standing and the doctrine of remedial discretion. This article finds, in this supermajority rule case, that Representatives satisfy standing requirements and that the doctrine of remedial discretion does not act as a bar to judicial review. In section 3, constitutionality of the House supermajority rule is discussed. The principle of majority-rule is so fundamental that the Framers found it unnecessary to explicitly proclaim it in the Constitution. And several provisions of the Constitution support the idea that the Framers intended the majority-rule to govern in all situations besides those specifically enumerated. This article concludes that the majority-rule is a Constitutional norm with which the House cannot interfere.

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Der brandenburgische Landtag hat am 28. Marz 1996 den Gesetzesentwurf der Landesregierung uber die Einfuhrung des neuartigen Lehrfachs LER ("Lebensgestaltung-Ethik-Religionskunde")statt des Religionsunterrichts in die Schulen des Landes Brandenburg beschlossen. Nach dem Schulgesetz des Landes Brandenburg ist der Religionsunterricht ein kirchiliches Lehrfach. Das brandenburgische Modell eines bekenntnisfreien Lehrfaches LER vermittelt den Schulern nur Wissen uber die Religion. LER ist nun als fur alle Schuler verbindlich ins Brandenburger Unterrichtswesen eingefuhrt worden. Der vorliegende Beitrag greift dieses Thema auf und gehet der Frag enach, ob der sogenannten Bremer Klausel (Art.141 GG) auch in Brandenburg angewandt werden kann.

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Es scheint, dass die politischen Gedanken des 20. Jahrhunderts durch die negative Einstellung zu der Moderne charakterisiert werden.Wahrend die Gedanken des 19. Jahrhunderts noch optimistisch in die Zukunft sehen konnten, kritisieren heftig die Philosophen des 20. Jahrhunderts die moderne Gesellschaft, denn sie stehen den vielen Sozialprobleme, die die Moderne gebracht hat, gegenuber.Wer das Paradigma dieser kritischen Einstellung zu der Moderne hergestellt hat, ist bekanntlich Max Weber. Er sah das Kommen derjenigen Gesellschaft voraus, in der die Menschen vom unpersonlichen System ganz unterdruckt werden. Aber seine Ansicht ist heute nicht vollstandig uberzeugend. Es ist eine Tatsache, dassdie unpersonlichen Verhaltnisse gegenwartig die Gesellschaft bedecken, aber dennoch fuhlen wir eine ungeheuere Freiheit. Da wir diesem paradoxen Sachverhalt gegenuberstehen, wird der Gedanke des Georg Simmels heute immer mehr bedeutend. Weil er es klarmacht, dass die modernen Menschen genau wegen der unpersonlichen Verhaltnisse frei sind. Simmel betracht die Grossstadt als den Platz, wo die Moderne deutlich auftritt. Dieser Aufsatz untersucht seine Zeitdiagnose und uberlegt sich die Moderne nochmals.

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Muchos filosofos de nuestro tiempo usan el concepto analogo a [circunstancia]-Umwelt de E.Husserl, Welt de M.Heidegger, environment de W.James, Basyo de K.Nisida-. El filosofo espanol, J.Ortega y Gasset da, igualmente al concepto de [la vida], mucha importancia al de circunstancia. Por consiguiente, considero en este estudio la idea de circunstancia como el concepto basico de la filosofia politica de Ortega, en torno a los puntos sobre ego y circunstancia en la vida humana, la constitucion de circunstancia (perspectivismo), y la estructura del mundo circunstancial. En el capitulo segundo, considero ego y circunstancia en la vida humana, con referencia a la frase de "Yo soy yo y mi circunstancia, y si no la salvo a ella no me salvo yo." Y se discute que su pensamiento de la vida humana supera antagonismo entre dos opiniones sobre el ser, es decir, el realismo del tiempo antiguo y medieval y el idealismo del moderno, y que pretende [convivencia] de sujeto y circunstancia. En el capitulp tercero, se propone el perspectivismo como la teoria de conocimiento para constituir esta circunstancia. los perspectivos vividos por cada uno, se complementan uno a otro, y captan la verdad perfecta mas armonica. Y el perspectivismore suelve la oposicion filosofica entre el relativismo que cae en el esceptismo y el racionalismo que no tiene en cuenta la diversidad humana, y tiene elca racter de [tolerancia] que implica ambos. Ortega hace mucho caso de [un ver que es mirar] de que [interpreta viendo y ve interpretando]. En el capitulo cuarto, se muestra cuatro leyes estructurales y anatomicas de contorno circunstancial. Lo primero es que el mundo consiste del mundo superficial y el [compresente]. Lo segundo es que este mundo nuestro se establece por tres planos, en primer lugar el mundo de la cosa que nos ocupa, en segundo el horizonte a la vista, y en tercer termino el mas alla latente ahora.Terceramente, este mundo es constituido por la perspectiva de [mi aqui]. En cuarto lugar, nuestro mundo se organiza en [campos pragmaticos]. En el capitulo quinto, como las cosas que ex-isten en este mundo, Ortega muestra minerales, vegetales, animales y humanas. Indica que el mundo humano es el compresente con los otros, diferentemente del mundo mineral y vegetal que tiene una direccion unica desde nosotros y del animal que co-existe con nosotros pero se limite. Aparte de relaciones interindividuales o formas de convivir, por ejemplo, padres e hijos, amantes, y amigos, lo social que representa el [uso] es una casi-naturaleza y nos permite la casi-convivencia con el desconocido. Los usos son realidades mecanicas o irracionales, extraindividuales o impersonales. Pero pueden automatizar la conducta de la persona y concentrar la vida humana y creadora en ciertas direcciones. Con esto en la estructura de circunstancia, el individuo y la sociedad se actuan, y la minoria selecta y las masas forman el dinamismo de la sociedad historica.

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