The purpose of this paper is to examine the defects of the referendum through the case in which the issue of the shopping bag tax comprehended as a green fee has been rejected by the Seattle referendum. It is rather a rare case that the municipal ordinance, such as the shopping bag tax act previously approved by the Seattle City Council in 2008, and enacted in 2009, has been rejected in the referendum. The question is why the Seattle shopping bag tax act has been rejected in the referendum, despite the fact that Seattle citizens are considered liberal and environmentally oriented. There must be some defects in the referendum system itself or a sort of failure in the decision-making process for the shopping bag tax act. As for the failure of decision-making process of the city government, it can be indicated that there must have been a lack of an educational outreach touch to the citizens as well as a lack of mutual consensus between the city government and the business group. It is more important, however, to look into their referendum campaign maneuvers and also the dynamics of other elections for the local officials. I hope that this article will explain the American political climate of urban politics. I also hope the findings of this study will give readers some suggestions for the betterment of our local autonomy system in Japan.
The "Shinrin-gijyuku" school was a private school for Korean people. It was established by Mr. Park Young-hyo in 1893 (26^<th> year of the Meiji period) in Japan as a preparatory academy for Koreans who would be entering Japanese school in the future. The "Shinrin-gijyuku" school was supported exclusively by volunteers and sponsors, many of whom were members of the National Diet of Japan. The school was operated by the "Toho Association". The reason why the "Toho Association" supported Park Young-hyo's school was because Mr. Park's ambition was to lead a revolution in Korea. If he were to succeed and become a leader in Korea, the newly found prestige would be enormous. Also, during this time, Japan believed that there was a high possibility of war breaking out with China which was then under the Qing Dynasty. Therefore, Japan had an incentive to gain a foot-hold in Korea in order to enter into war with China in an advantageous position. Mr. Park accepted support from the "Toho Association" because it was useful to his goal of a coup d'etat. That is how the "Shinrin-gijyuku" school was able to be established.
This paper considers the problem of parental authority and the minors' guardianship system in civil law from the viewpoint of establishing a child abuse prevention law system that would be viable. The stipulation about parental authority and the guardianship of minors were passed on from Meiji civil law to postwar civil law (the 1947 revision). However, the increase of child abuse has become a social problem recently, and it was decided to carry out a check of the parental authority system for the prevention of child abuse. The regulation of the civil law on parental authority and guardianship of minors was revised in June, 2011. The core content is as follows. 1. It was specified that parental authority is a right and duty for the benefit of the child. 2. Judgment standards of the loss of parental authority were changed. 3. A system for the suspension of parental authority was established. 4. Guardianship of a minor by more than one person was permitted. 5. Guardianship of a minor by a corporation was permitted. However, this civil law revision is aimed at the prevention of child abuse. There are many more matters that have not been discussed such as the significance of parental authority, how an ideal family ought to be, as well as, guardianship of a minor by an administrative agency. We need to continue the discussion about parental authority system in future.
The main purpose of this paper is to extend the 'environmental control theory'. Before we set about this kind of task, we need to ask and answer clearly this question: what is the true meaning of the concept 'positivism'? Most people are apt to think that 'positivism' means 'reports of facts found', and that the more trivial facts are reported, the better the paper (or the report) is. But that is a simple misunderstanding. The true meaning of 'positivism' in sciences is to prove the validity of a general theory, and, needless to say, general theories proved can be useful because they are generally valid. I insist that 'environmental control' is one of the most important perspectives for the purpose of general political theorization. Originally, Gilles Deleuze's "On the Controlled Society"  was the beginning of 'the environmental control theories'. From then on, for example, Maurizio Lazzarato especially his La politica dell'evento , Lawrence Lessig, especially his CODE Version 2.0 , and Hiroki Azuma especially his The Theories on Informational Environment ), have established 'the environmental control theories'. In this paper, firstly I review the history of 'the environmental control theories', secondly I try to mix 'Tadao Umesao's theory on civilization' an d 'risk and law theories' with 'the environmental control theories', and thirdly I propose 'the seven real modes of the environmental control'. At the end of this paper, I describe a brief vision and a brief strategy for the 'environmentally controlled world'.
"Eco-tourism" is a policy that affects natural environment preservation, sight-seeing promotion, and regional promotion. This paper will I verify the effects of Eco-tourism on regional promotion. and also point out issues of Eco-tourism.
A considerable gap exists between the legal provisions and the reality concerning disability facilities in present-day Japan. This is primarily due to the widening gap between social roles allocated toward these facilities by the legal system, and the actual support provided by them on a day-to-day basis. In addition, the disability support currently provided in Japan has been determined based on the requirements of the service user's family, rather than respecting the needs of the actual support service user. The popularization of "normalization" has furthered understanding and wide-spread acceptance of the idea that living in a community is more beneficial for a disabled person than spending their life in a support facility. However, this brings with it a lot of issues because a) the social welfare corporations managing private facilities have until now been set up based on a charitable and philanthropic approach toward the welfare of disabled people, and b) the business management of these corporations has not been subject to investigations resulting in subsequent legal developments. It is now critical that the law clarifies the nature, social value, and significance of disability support facilities within Japan's social structure.
In the sports management business in the United States, unlike Japan, there have been glutted with sports agents who compete fiercely for athlete clients. However, while agent competition seems to remain intense, the changing economics of the player representation business might before long threaten an athlete's right to freely select any agent. With many of the top agents seemingly converting loyalties through all of the consolidation, the larger agencies in the industry have attempted to protect themselves by including non-compete clauses in their employment agreements with agents. If these restrictive covenants should be deemed enforceable against sports agents, it could have a enormous effect on the athlete agency industry and ultimately, mean the end of professional athlete's right to select their agents without restriction. The purpose of this paper is to examine the changing business of sports agencies and the Steinberg and Dunn litigation and the impact on athlete's ability to select their agents on the use of non-compete agreements in the athlete-agent industry. Lastly, I conclude with a decision of the appeal in Steinberg and Dunn dispute and with an assessment of the impact enforceable non-compete agreements would likely have on sports agents and players in Japan.
The local autonomy system in Japan is a system where no autonomy in exists the local governments, which is ironic and inappropriate for the term of "local autonomy." The principal cause lies in the Local Autonomy Act, which was enacted having been based up on Article 92 in Chapter 8 of the Japanese Constitution. A series of the provisions of the Local Autonomy Act prescribes that the central government is supreme and the constituent governments, which are simply agents of the central government, derive their authority from it. With the advent of Japan's aging society with fewer children, the roles of the local governments have been increased drastically. In order to respond to there kinds of social needs, the political parties, such as Liberal Democratic Party and Democratic Party have advocated "the Scheme for Power Delegation to the Local Governments" and "the Scheme for Regional Sovereignty" in recent years. This paper will describe the defects of the present local autonomy system from which the local governments have suffered for over half a century, and also advocate some vital reforms for the improvement of the local autonomy system with reference to these reform schemes, while introducing some crucial political rules and practices applied in American local governments as well as their power delegation devices in the American federal system, which may encourage efforts to revise and improve the Japanese Local Autonomy Act.
A National Referendum Law stipulating the procedure for passing constitutional amendments came into effect in 2010. However, many issues regarding the law remain unresolved. The coverage of a national referendum, among other issues, is confined to a constitutional amendment as stated in Article 1. However, it is clearly mentioned in Article 12 of the Supplementary Provisions that deliberation on the coverage of Article 1 is necessary promptly after the law comes into effect. In this paper, we will review the background to the establishment of Article 12 of the Supplementary Provisions and examine the issues regarding the review of the coverage of a national referendum. Two main issues are given special attention. One is the relationship with indirect democracy, and the second is whether the results of a national referendum are legally binding for general state affairs.
Privacy rights have developed from "the classical privacy right", such as the right to be let alone or the right not to have one's private life disclosed, to "the modern privacy right" or "the information privacy right", such as the right to control self information. In Japan, many scholars and precedents have discussed the relationship between the classical privacy right and freedom of expression in the context of "mass media privacy". However, discussions of the relationship between the information privacy right and freedom of expression in the context of "computer privacy" are not enough. In contrast, there are exhaustive discussions about the relationship between the information privacy right and freedom of speech in America. One opinion argues that the information privacy right is not defensible under the First Amendment, but the other opinion contends that the right is defensible under the First Amendment. These recent American discussions give us many suggestions. This article examines the relationship between the information privacy right and freedom of expression referring to these recent American discussions.
Introduction 1 Background of Enactment on the International Peace Cooperation Law 2 Outline Characteristic of the International Peace Cooperation Law 3 Points of Amendment on the International Peace Cooperation Law 4 Problems on the Dispatch of the Self-Defense Force for the Peace-Keeping Operations of United Nations in the Future Conclusion
In recent years, observers have stressed continual growth in China's military budget, military modernization, and a dramatic new level of Chinese military activity. In particular, China's blue water expansion has increased uncertainty in the Asia-Pacific region. Together with its aggressive posture vis-a-vis Japan, Chinese activities have raised significant alarms in Japan. Nor can the U.S. ignore such developments. This talk will highlight Japan-U.S. security relations over China.
When we discuss the Japanese Constitution, many people primarily take Article 9. Moreover, when discuss Article 9, Japanese people are concerned with the existence of the SDF and its significance. The Constitution holds fast to the basic principle of pacifism, but it is very clear that the SDF is the Forces even if the Japanese Government explains that it is a nonmilitary organization. There is a definite contradiction between the Government explanations and the circumstances in the SDF various activities. Japanese people passed through Hanshin-Awaji earthquake (1995) and East Japan earthquake (2011). In the two earthquakes and PKO activities, the SDF accomplished a great remarkable achievement. In this article, I will consider the Japanese national security with special reference to the particular trend of interpretation about Article 9 and the SDF.