西洋古典学研究
Online ISSN : 2424-1520
Print ISSN : 0447-9114
ISSN-L : 0447-9114
13 巻
選択された号の論文の37件中1~37を表示しています
  • 原稿種別: 表紙
    1965 年 13 巻 p. Cover1-
    発行日: 1965/03/27
    公開日: 2017/05/23
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  • 原稿種別: 目次
    1965 年 13 巻 p. Toc1-
    発行日: 1965/03/27
    公開日: 2017/05/23
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  • 岡田 正三
    原稿種別: 本文
    1965 年 13 巻 p. 1-14
    発行日: 1965/03/27
    公開日: 2017/05/23
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    On the very day on winch he drank the hemlock to die, Socrates made a pathetic confession that he had found no talent m poetry in himself after all When young he followed the studies of the physical world, afterwards, however, the rational streak in his character prevented him from being content with it, compelling him at last to turn to philosophy In contrast with him, Plato was of admirable poetic talent and also well educated in poetry It was when he was about fifteen years of age that he came to know Socrates through his relatives and friends At that time, however, he seems not to have displayed any strong characteristics But when he was about twenty, he experienced a radical change in character, and became discontent with being a poet he began to seek to observe life not with a literary eye but with theoretical contemplation This means that Plato, who had preferred what he used to call "mania" (poetic intuition) to reason, was determined to stress the latter instead of the former, the poetic trend in his character Once he had made this decision, he could no longer regard Socrates merely as a teacher related with him in a formal way, but felt compelled to rely on Socrates in every phase of his contemplative life Socrates seemed to him a symbol of reason he acquired encouragement from him The personal presence of Socrates was all that was necessary to him at that time his philosophy was nothing but this sense of the presence of Socrates Thus, after his death, Socrates was always present in Plato's contemplative activity, appearing in conversation with his friends and opponents, and this eventually makes Plato's Dialogues Plato enlarged and revised the words of Socrates in conversation But, by this enlargement and revision, Plato means that, as is seen in the Phaidros, the trees of Socrates' words planted on the soil of Plato's soul grow to bear fruits, which in their turn develop new buds In other words, Plato tries to express himself only through Socrates He believes his words are really Socrates', who is always present within himself In this way he tried solely to be faithful to the Socrates in his recollection, and it is this that kept him pursuing the hard way of philosophical thinking We must look at his Dialogues from this point of view Plato's Dialogues will thus be seen under quite a new light
  • 秀村 欣二
    原稿種別: 本文
    1965 年 13 巻 p. 15-24
    発行日: 1965/03/27
    公開日: 2017/05/23
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    It has been just thirty-five years passed since F CUMONT published and brilliantly commented on the Nazareth Inscription on the violation of the sepulchre in 1930 But the problems about the authenticity, date, nature and interpretation of the document in which many scholars have engaged are still unsolved First of all, the hypothesis of L ZANCAN who insisted on the modern forgery could not find any support at all Against the theory of K LATTE for the ancient forgery in Palestine, linguistic research proves that on the one hand the inscription contains a considerable number of Latin elements and that on the other hand it may be not the Greek version of the original Latin text of the imperial rescript, but an extract from it by the local authorities or rather a private individual who wished to protect a family tomb from desecration Moreover, most of the experts agree that the style of epigraphy belongs to between 50 B C and A D 50 as the extreme limits With whom then is the 'Caesar' identified ? CUMONT favours Augustus, for Eastern inscriptions and historians continue to refer to Augustus, even after his assumption of the title in 27 B C, simply as Caesar, whereas his successors are rarely so ref ei red to Besides, Augustus highly esteemed the cult of the dead in connection with the regeneration of religio and pietas in the new regime of the Roman Empire This theory seems to me attractive, but not convincing J CARCOPINO chooses Augustus also, but pioceeds further He observes that the original collector of the inscription, W FROHNER, says in his note not 'decouverte a', but 'envoyee de Nazareth' So according to CARCOPINO, Nazareth is only a market place for the collection, because Nazareth belongs to Galilee which was not controlled directly by Augustus, but by the Herod dynasty The document, therefore, must have been discoveied in Samaria for Samaritan trouble at the temple of Jerusalem in 8 A D (Josephus, Ant XVIII 29 f) must have caused the establishment of the inscription This theory is ingenious, but highly imaginative The document does not give any clear evidence on it Among other conjectures, there are some remarkable interpretations of the document according to which the rescript represents the official Roman view of the events at the Holy Sepulchre The stone which Joseph of Arimathea set at its entrance was sealed up by the priests and at the assent of the Roman governor, Pontius Pilate, a guard was set upon it Yet on Easter Morning the stone was found rolled away and the Body gone Then the priests told the guard to say that during the night, while they slept, the Body had been stolen away by the disciples, and they promised the soldiers to support this report if the matter came to the ears of Pilate (Matthew XXVII 57〜XXVIII 15) Here the Gospel account ends, but one can hardly doubt that the priests did give their version to Pilate, and after that Pilate reported the case, with the suggested explanation to Tiberius There is thus a probability that the rescript is part of Tibeiius' or Caligula's answer to Pilate (CUMONT [the second inference], E CUQ, L WENGER, S LOSCH) Another explanation of the anti-Chiistian motive is given by DE SANCTIS and M GUARDUCCI Both maintain that the Crucifixion and the Resurrection were at first too insignificant events to arouse the central government, but before the end of the reign of Claudius, the Roman government was beginning to take notice of the disturbance created in the Jewish world by the Christian propaganda on the Resurrection (Suetonius, Claud 25, 4, P London 1912,11 88 ff, Acts XXIV 5) So the rescript was published and the inscription was erected at Nazareth, Jesus' native place These Christian interpretations are very interesting, but the real difficulty is that there is no positive evidence of connection, nothing in the rescript even slightly hinting at the alleged Resurrection

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  • 川島 重成
    原稿種別: 本文
    1965 年 13 巻 p. 25-32
    発行日: 1965/03/27
    公開日: 2017/05/23
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    Homeric similes were developed into something different from similes in the ordinary sense of the word The swell of the sea gathered together in a crest ana broken on a sounding beach (cf IV 422-426) already proleptically symbolizes the surging on slaught of the Danaans against the Trojans, while the narrative part still depicts only their march The Myrmidons going to war are compared to wolves tearing a stag to pieces and going to slake their thirst at a spring (cf XVI 156-163) In this simile Homer seems to anticipate the great victory of Patroclus and his followers over the Trojans, which the narrative part will later develop in detail Furious Patroclus made for the corpse of Cebnones with the rush of a lion that, while wasting the farmstead, is smitten on the breast (cf XVI 752-753) The simile suggests that death stands close behind the glorious hero The same relationship may be pointed out between the simile of XII 41-48 and its narrative A wild boar exulting in his strength represents Hector in his glory But, why does the beast die(cf 46), while Hector does not ? Homer describes Hector's present valour in sharp contrast to his approaching doom(cf XXII 361), which he foretells here in this simile But, is it possible at all to see so far ahead of time the shadow of Hector's death (XXII) already in this simile (XII), with all the further developments in the intervening time ? Hector's death is at the climax of the Iliad and covers the whole Iliad with the veil of pessimism, together with Achilles' death, which is also drawing near The same shadow falls on Andromache's foreboding when she bids farewell to her husband (cf VI 407), and Patroclus' ominous prophecy when he is dying (cf XVI 851-854), and so on Could we not regard this simile also as one of those forestallings which we find throughout the Iliad ? A group of footmen following the Aiantes are compared to a cloud blown over the sea by the blast of the West Wind A goatherd shudders at the sight of it, and drives his flock into a cave(cf IV 275-279) It is natural that we should also feel some uneasiness right at this time, for we are led to see the sight from the goatherd's viewpoint (cf 277-278 τω φαινετ'), that is, from the position of some Tiojan leader But, in the narrative part, Agamemnon was glad at the sight of the Aiantes and their followers (cf 283) There is a marked contrast between the viewpoint of the narrative part and that of the simile Various pictures drawn in the Iliad are, in fact, seen by many different "eyes" The positions of eyes",-the view point-could be pointed out throughout the Iliad in every quarter on the Trojan walls, on the plain, at the ships, in heaven and so on In similes, too, scenes are sometimes unfolded, in which gods take a look from above As snowflakes flutter down from Zeus thick and fast, blown by the North Wind, born in the bright heaven (cf XIX 357-358), so thick and fast from the ships move forth (εκφορεοντο) all kinds of weapons, brightly gleaming The figures of Acheans pouring forth from the ships (cf 356) completely fade out and only the shining weapons are described here (after the simile) The glittering of the weapons in the narrative and the dazzling whiteness of the snow in the simile are tused and go together up to the heaven This picture is seen by Athene (cf. 355) from the Olympian woild The Trojans and the Acheans thronging about the corpse of Sarpedon are like flies buzzing around the full milk-pails in a farmstead, in spring, when the milk drenches the vessels (cf XVI 641-643) The soldiers of both armies are compared without any distinction to a group of flies, -for this is the picture at which Zeus looks down from far above (cf 644-645) The "eyes" of the blessed god enjoy the scene This is why a pleasant and peaceful atmosphere in spring prevails in this simile, in contrast with the scene of the

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  • 岡 道男
    原稿種別: 本文
    1965 年 13 巻 p. 33-50
    発行日: 1965/03/27
    公開日: 2017/05/23
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    it is generally admitted that the mam theme in the latter half of the Odyssey is derived from the tale of a wanderer's return and reunion with his wife such as would be seen in folk-tales the world over In the Odyssey, however, Penelope knows nothing about her husband's return until the killing of the suitors is over Now there arises a question why Odysseus does not take his wife into his confidence while making himself known to his son Telemachus According to the view of the so-called analysts, there existed another version of the Odyssey where the heio was recognized and helped by his wife before the killing of the suitors If, however, this view were right, there would have been two (') persons who helped Odysseus to kill the suitors Now the situation in the latter half of the Odyssey requires that there should be at least one person who helps the hero from within Then there would be no place for a grown-up son like Telemachus if the wife helps her husband from within as would be seen in folk-tales If, however, the hero's helper is his own son, there would be no place at all for the wife, as in the Odyssey From this and other observations the present writer supposes that in the Odyssey Telemachus must have taken upon himself the role played originally by the wife in folk-tales and that he must have played a very important part in the making of the Odyssey as a heroic epic The view of the analysts, on the one hand, cannot be accepted as a true picture of the Odyssey, as they confuse the element of a folk-tale (i e the wife) with that of a heroicepic (i e the son) When we observe closely the role played by Telemachus in the first half of the poem we find that the main purpose of his journey lies in connecting closely with the heroic world the hero of the Odyssey whose sphere of actions lay originally in the fantastic world of folk-tales Here it is to be noted that the return of the Atreides, especially that of Agamemnon as told in the first four books and then in Books 11 and 24, makes a strong contrast with that of Odysseus Now in Book 11 Agamemnon advises Odysseus to be cautious with his wife when the latter returns home With this warning still fresh in his ear, Odysseus could not have taken his wife into his confidence as the analysts suppose Penelope, on the one hand, could not have easily forgiven her husband who kept not only his own identity secret until the very last moment but also tried to put her faithfulness to the cruel test (19 221 ff) Such psychological conflicts between husband and wife as are found in Book 23 could only be possible when the role of helping wife was given to Telemachus and not to Penelope The present writer, considering in what relation the tale of the Atreides' return as told in the Odyssey would have stood with the so-called νοστοι of Agias, comes to the conclusion that there must have existed another epic poem concerning the Atreides' return before the poet of the Odyssey composed Such an epic must have had two threads, i e that of Agamemnon on the one hand and that of Menelaos on the other, the latter being subordinated to the former Here the present writer supposes that such a constiuction of two threads must have influenced the peculiar structure of the Odyssey which is formed from the stoiy of Odysseus and that of Telemachus And while the tales of the Atreides' and other heroes' return are told again and again, the Odyssey becomes not only a tale of Odysseus' adventures and return, but also an epic of the Greek army's direful return And in this connection Telemachus is seen playing a role which links the world of folk-tale with that of the heroic poetry which developed around the war of Troy
  • 木曾 明子
    原稿種別: 本文
    1965 年 13 巻 p. 51-62
    発行日: 1965/03/27
    公開日: 2017/05/23
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    The question of internal evidence for the lost plays of the major Greek tragedians is not easy Perhaps it is most difficult with Sophocles who, unlike the other two, is known to us only by the works of his maturer days We cannot get even a vague idea of what the dramatist might have been in the unknown pieces, of which the remaining fragments are so lamentably few However a thorough study of internal evidence is more rewarding than it would appear at first sight, especially when it is conducted in the light of all the accessible sources of information For instance the Niobe is said to have been produced before 422 B C on the strength of the quotation in Aristophanes' Wasps But in fact it is obvious that the play should be dated much earlier, perhaps among Sophocles' earliest, once it has been shown that the whole story is of a simple theomachia, that the scenes are likely to be filled mostly with lyrical narratives and descriptions, that the general scheme of the play does not seem to afford any chance for the action to be developed by dialogues and that the audience must have been treated to such strikingly spectacular views as deaths on the stage If further attention is paid to the fact that the play was written using the same material which Aeschylus had successfully exploited before, it will be seen that the play is suggestive of the general attitude of the dramatist in his youthful works The Niobe of Aeschylus, as Aristophanes derides it in his Frogs, is clearly marked with the typically Aeschylean onkos-breath-taking theatrical effect long and enthusiastic performances of the chorus, richly imageful verbiage of the dramatis personae and so on In contrast to this, Sophocles' Niobe is a concentrated study of how a human being fell from happiness to misery The chorus no longer dwells on how the inherited arrogance of Tantalus' daughter was punished The heroine does not give a defiant tirade in undaunted protest to the gods Nothing of the sort But the proud mother suddenly finds herself deprived of all her fourteen children by the revengeful hand of Leto of whom she had spoken contem tuously, as the goddess was a mother of only two children Niobe goes through all the degiees of agony as she first learns of the misfortune, then has the last surviving daughter expire in her own arms, hears the report of the suicide of the grief-stricken father and finally receives the announcement of her seven sons' deaths From the countless scenes of the legendary tale, the most suitable ones have been chosen and combined into a compact piece of tragedy with perfect skill and infallible dramatic economy It may safely be concluded that considerable effort has been exerted in order to bring about what is essentially dramatic Here is a determined new step towards the genuinely Sophoclean sphere of tragic art The predominance of the influence of Aeschylus in his earliest dated plays including the Niobe, is undeniable However at the same time there is traceable in them, appearing in varied manifestations, the distinct awakening of the dramatist in his pursuit of the quintessence of drama He became more and more sure of the path he was following, and in pursuing it, he gradually outgrew the overpowering spell of his great predecessor The Niobe is an unmistakable illustration of these strenuous endeavours of Sophocles in his youthful days
  • 西澤 龍生
    原稿種別: 本文
    1965 年 13 巻 p. 63-74
    発行日: 1965/03/27
    公開日: 2017/05/23
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    Motivated by the fact that the classical spirit of "Historia" is now being reconsidered through the crisis of "Historismus", this paper is an attempt to find the true meaning of 'Historein" (To search, to narrate, etc) in Herodotus The Greek word "Opsis" is known to signify both an act of seeing and a thing seen But of particular interest is the way in which Herodotus uses this term readers of Herodotus will find the phrase "Opsis oneirou" (Vision in a dream) very often, especially in Books I and VII In Book I dreams are about the destinies of kings in connection with the Persian dynasty in one way or another, and the dream in Book VII is of Xerxes on the eve of his Greek expedition The present author believes that he can observe a certain difference in the aspect of "Opsis oneirou' between these two books, and that this difference, naturally enough, is a reflection of the fact that Herodotus' "Histories" consist of two components an element of geography and tale or legend on the one hand and that of history on the other The most important dream in Book I is that concerning the birth of Cyrus In spite of the Magi's soothsaying, Cyrus usurped the throne and thus the vision in the dream came to be realized But, to Herodotus, the dream was not truly lealized until Cyrus met his violent death, which annihilated all his efforts, his ambitions, his glory, his concerns, his foolishness But readers must see there the "Opsis oneirou" of Herodotus himself Through this "Cyclos" of fate Herodotus suggests a grand cyclic construction of dynastic history, an which the beginning and the end correspond to each other In Book VII Xerxes hesitates and vacillates on account of the menacingdream it reflects the mechanism of an empire where the nobility was incessantly trying to impose restraints on royal prerogative Xerxes is represented there not as an emperor who firmly carries out his resolution, but as a mortal threatened by "Daimon's voice" within himself He is carried aside from the destined course of "Acta dei" of dynastic history and involved in "Acta hominis" of the Persian War This is what we ought to see in the King's "Opsis oneirou" "Opsis oneirou", indeed, embodies causality which lies hidden behind the phenomenal world It reveals the depth and the width of "Historia" If historians, unsatisfied with mere manipulation of evidences, want to have an insight into history through their own eyes, the way they ought to follow is unmistakably shown here
  • 山内 隆
    原稿種別: 本文
    1965 年 13 巻 p. 75-86
    発行日: 1965/03/27
    公開日: 2017/05/23
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    It is the object of the present article to throw light on the interpretation of η αληθεστατη προφασιζ (I 23, 6) It is generally admitted today that Thucydides is the first who attributed the true cause of the Peloponnesian war to the growth of Athenian power and Spartan fear, distinguishing it from the immediate causes which were widely accepted as the true cause by his contemporary and later ancient writers I myself share in this general opinion, too But whether the growth of the Athenian power and Spartan fear are all that what Thucydides calls the truest cause of the war means or not, I think, still open to discussion To answer this question is the immediate concern of my article Besides the first reference to the truest cause in I 23, 6 there are two other passages (188 & 118, 2) which are, though the word η αληθεστατη προφασιζ does not appear in them, usually thought also to explain the truest cause From these passages we can learn that by the growth of Athenian power and Spartan fear Thucydides reveals the Spartan motive for beginning war Since the Peloponnesian war began actually with Spartan invasion into Attica in 431 B C, the Spartan motive to decide on making war can be considered as the true cause of the war But not as the truest cause For, while in I 23, 6 η αληθεστατη προφασιζ is explained as αφανεστατη λογω, Thucydides says that the Spartan motive was openly discussed by Spartans themselves And αναγκασαι in the same passage, which accurately corresponds in import to αναγκασθεντεζ in V 25, 3 whose subject is both Athenians and Spartans, indicates that neither Spartans and Athenians forced the others to make war Then what is it that forced them both in spite of their will ? Thucydides sets it forth through the mouth of a Corinthian and an Athenian speaker at the first Conference at Sparta In a word, it is universal human nature (το ανθρωπινον). Thucydides applies here an elaborate dialectical method to analyse the true nature of Athenian expansion and of Spartan conservatism which encouraged the former and he succeeded in tracing the cause of the war back to human nature So far we can conclude that η αληθεστατη προφαριζ has two sides On the one hand we have the growth of Athenian power and Spartan fear, that is, the Spartan motive to decide for making war, on the other hand human nature To prove that we are not on the wrong track, I further discussed the prognostic value which Thucydides attaches to his work The purpose of Thucydides' writing a history of the Peloponnesian war is "to understand clearly the events which happened in the past and which (human nature being what it is) will be repeated in the future" (trans by R Warner) He insists here that the History can give the readers clear knowledge of the past events and provide them with foresight into analogous problems in the future Clear knowledge of past events (το σαφεζ των γενομενων) is not τα γενομενα itself, nor equal to το ακριβεζ των γενομενων (accurate and detailed knowledge of the past events) It is acquired only when one penetrates below the mere surface of actual political phenomena, that is, into the innermost forces working behind actual events Thucydides thinks of human nature φυσιζ as these forces And it is φυσιζ which links clear knowledge of the past events closely with insight into analogous problems in the future For, when one studies how human nature reacted under certain circumstances in the past, one can perceive beforehand into approximately which direction human nature will push events in similar circumstances in the future Therefore, clear knowledge of the past events is indispensable for the acquirement of insight into analogous problems in the future Thus, already at the beginning of the History, we can expect that the course of events will be described from two view-points, that of actual politics and that of eternal human nature To add a few words in

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  • 生島 幹三
    原稿種別: 本文
    1965 年 13 巻 p. 87-97
    発行日: 1965/03/27
    公開日: 2017/05/23
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    This article is intended to analyse the part of the dispute between Thrasymachus and Socrates in Book A of "Republic", in relation to the preceding part of the book, i e Polemarchus' definition of "justice" and Socrates' criticism of it Polemarchus defines "justice" as "to do good to the friends and to do evil to the enemies" This principle of the right action is composed of two rules, opposite to each other and applied in each case to only one of the two groups of men Socrates, in his criticism, expelling "to do evil" from "justice" and extending over the whole the rule applied to the friends by Polemarchus, seems to suggest "to do good (to everybody)" as the general principle, advocating, as it were, the cause of "justice" On the contrary, Thrasymachus recommends "to do evil to others", i e "injustice" as the punciple, applying to everyone except oneself the rule that Polemarchus has done to one's enemies only In Thrasymachus' view, "to do evil to others" is one's own good (as it were, justice, δικαιον), while "to be righteous" is another one's (i e the stronger man's) good and one's own evil From Socrates' standpoint again, if we might infer so, "to do evil to others" is the gravest evil to oneself, and despite his unerring skill in the art of evil, an unjust man is in the grandest error in mistaking it for a good and is possessed of grossest ignorance, and he is less strong and more unfortunate in the true sense than a righteous man The problem of justice is, on the other hand, treated by Thrasymachus in relation to the law and the ruler who makes it, and thus is given a public meaning (not only a private one) in the whole state or community But the two disputants differ diametrically from each other as to what the ruler and his τεχνη essentially consist in Throughout the whole of their dispute, Socrates appears to be triumphant, but we should rather think that the question is, in reality, of the difference of standpoint between Socrates, who thinks a man always does good when he knows good and evil and who considers the whole community to be a world all composed of brothers, and Thrasymachus, who again regards the society as a battlefield where everyone fights with others for his own good, which is nothing but another's evil When refuting Thrasymachus, however, Socrates is found showing in the sharpest contrast his own views and their implications, by means of treating from his own point of view the problems presented by his opponent
  • 山口 明子
    原稿種別: 本文
    1965 年 13 巻 p. 98-115
    発行日: 1965/03/27
    公開日: 2017/05/23
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    The assertive sentence is by definition a form of proposition the content of which is presented as an assertion made by the speaker This assertiveness can also be expressed by way of vocabulary, using a certain group of verbs called verba adfirmandi (e g arbitror, puto, censeo, iudico, intellego, scio, etc) Now arises a question what is the relation between the assertiveness derived from the very form of the assertive sentence and the nature of assertion of the above verbs common to all the members of the group ? This is the first question Then comes the second what are the features characteristic to each member of the group apart from their common class-meanings, and, what is the correlation they may have with the form-meaning of assertive sentences Through the observation of verba adfirmandi used in Cicero's Letters (ca 500 in number), it is concluded 1) that the verba adfirmandi can be divided into two sub-groups one is that of verba ludicandi denoting judgement by the speaker of the things unknown and uncertain, and the other that of verba recognoscendi which denote recognition of the things as true or certain 2) that the assertive sentence describes things as they are, with no regards to the gap existing between expression and things expressed When the speaker feels it necessary to assert the content of his utterance more expressly, either as his judgement or as his recognition, he usually resorts to verba adfirmandi, and the result thus attained is that he stands also as the subject of the verb so as to express his responsibility for his assertion more distinctively 3) that both of these sub-groups may also be used for stylistic purposes i e verbs belonging to the former sub-group may denote contents of the sentences as something uncertain or at least as a judgement made by the subject of the verb only (i e not by the speaker), regardless whether it is true or not, whereas the verbs belonging to the latter sub-group express it as a fact 4) that the difference in distribution between these sub-groups can be explained, in the present writer's opinion, by the difference in stylistic nature of the sub-groups For example, the use of the 2nd person of verba iudicandi (putas etc), when used in assertive sentences, produces an impression more or less impolite, and, therefore, it is recommended to avoid it in politer expressions On the other hand, that of verba recognoscendi can be used in similar sentences quite freely, without such restrictions 5) that when a certain group of activities, such as absolutely mental activities or activities considered not honourable to their agents, are to be expressed, the expression always takes a form of oratio obliqua led by the verb of verba iudicandi (vereris-videris vereri etc) in contrast to the activities laudable to the speaker, which are expressed by means of verba cognoscendi (tibi curae est-scio tibi curae esse etc) Though the differences between these subdivisions of verba adfirmandi are essentially of logical nature, it is possible to say that the author of the Epistulae fully makes use of such differences in his own manner and for his own purposes, communicating subtle evaluations of a given activity or of its agent on the part of the speaker, and thus accomplishing a style of a true master of prose
  • 引地 正俊
    原稿種別: 本文
    1965 年 13 巻 p. 116-126
    発行日: 1965/03/27
    公開日: 2017/05/23
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    The story of Leucippe and Clitophon has, more than any other Greek novel, a striking peculiarity in its structure In the introductory part of the novel where Chtophon is first introduced to us, the author (supposed to be Achilles Tatius) himself puts in an appearance as one of the characters, who, admiring the great force of the god of love, draws our attention to Eros depicted in a painting The force of Eros is, through the words of various characters, emphasized repeatedly in the novel the whole world, under the dominion of Eros, is considered to be provided with a "dynamic" harmony But why is that harmony dynamic ? It is made dynamic by Tyche, who actualizes or crystallizes the force of Eros in various ways All the incidents in the story are caused by Tyche (who is identified as the goddess to develop the very plot of the novel) Mehtte, Thersander's wife, who appears in the Book 5, should be regarded as one of such παιδια of Tyche And Clitophon, as a faithful slave to Eros, returns Melitte's violent love behind the back of Leucippe But here the author of the novel puts himself in a dilemma his is now obliged to admit Thersander's love for Leucippe and to give up the heroine's chastity, which has been traditionally important for the composition of novels, for Thersander too might be regarded as one of Tyche's victims burning with the flames of Eros On the other hand, Tyche is used in another sense for the composition of the novel Achilles Tatius, who holds that we are often informed beforehand of the actions of Tyche in various ways, interposes at regular intervals several descriptions of the pictures seen by certain characters and gives us hints of the incidents which are to happen in each successive part of the plot But his "oracular" method of composition is used up while the heroine's chastity is in peril, and the names of Eros and Tyche, which have so far appeared quite often, begin to vanish after the sixth volume, and Thersander soon turns out to be a thorough rascal Then, finally but abruptly, ignoring the plan laid out at the outset, Achilles Tatius puts an end to the novel without any words to thank Clitophon for his long narration and gives us an unsatisfactory impression, which might be attributable to the fact that the author has given up at midpoint the inner structure of his novel together with the outer one
  • 伊東 俊太郎
    原稿種別: 本文
    1965 年 13 巻 p. 127-141
    発行日: 1965/03/27
    公開日: 2017/05/23
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    The positive assimilation and recovery by the Latin West of Greek science and civilization took place in the 12th century through extensive translations from Arabic and Greek While the transmission of Greek science through Arabic to the Latin Europe has been considerably clarified by such experts as Suter, Leclerc, Wustenfeld and Steinschneider, many things still remain dark concerning the scientific transmission immediately through Greek, to the Latin West in spite of excellent pioneer studies by Haskins and Heiberg In 1963, I edited the first text of the Latin version of Euclid's Data from the following two extant manuscripts 1 MS Oxford, Bodl Auct F 5 28, 13 c 99 r-113 r 2 MS Paris, Bibl Nat lat 16648, 13-14 c 60 r-91 r By investigating these manuscripts of the Latin Data and others, I have found some interesting new facts about the transmission of scientific works via Greek to the Latin West First of all, the fact that this Latin translation of the Data was made from the Greek is obvious from the following evidences 1 the existence of the direct transliteration of the Greek words, like catigmeni, anigmeni, parathesi, cathetus, orthogonius etc 2 the exact correspondence in particles and conjunctions used in the Greek text and the Latin translation 3 the exactly same order of words is found in both the Greek original and the Latin version The problem of the preparation of this medieval Latin translation from Greek of the Data is divided into three sub-problems 1) Where did this translation take place ? 2) When did the translation come into existence ? 3) Who translated it into Latin ? My conclusions to problems 1) and 2) are as follows 1) This Latin translation was made in Sicily as a part of the vast translation of Greek scientific works which took place there in "the medieval renaissance" 2) This translation came into existence in the middle of the 12th century and not later than 1160 As regards problem 3), which is very crucial to my study, I have reached the following conclusions 3) (i)It is certain that our translator of the Data also made Latin versions from the Greek of Euclid's Optics, Catoptrics and Proclus' Elementatio physica (or De motu) (ii) It is probable that this prolific author is the same person as the anonymous translator of Ptolemy's Almagest who was studied by Haskins and Heiberg These conclusions concerning the identification of the translator have been drawn primarily through a comparative investigation of the texts For the first conclusion, I compared our text of the Latin Data with the Latin version of Euclid's Optics and Catoptrics in the Oxford manuscript (MS Oxford, Bodl Auct F 5 28, 57 r-64 r De visu liber and 64 r-69 r De speculis liber) and with the full text of Proclus' Elementatio physica published recently by H Boese As the result of this investigation, I found that they accord so well in all translating techniques as to ensure the identification of the translator of these four works As far as the second conclusion is concerned, I based it on a remarkable passage in the preface by the Latin translator of Ptolemy's Almagest, which seems to suggest that the translator of the Almagest is the same as that of the other four works above-mentioned This view is also supported by the studies of Haskins and Boese, which confirmed the identity of the translator of the Almagest with that of Proclus' Elementatio physica through their careful comparisons of translating techniques between the two translations These conclusions seem to be very important for the scientific transmission in the early Middle Ages, because, if the same person translated these various works, he would occupy a prominent position in editing the translation of mathematical works from the Greek not unlike that of Gerard of Cremona in the sphere of translation from the Arabic
  • 田中 美知太郎
    原稿種別: 本文
    1965 年 13 巻 p. 142-146
    発行日: 1965/03/27
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  • 岡 道男
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    1965 年 13 巻 p. 147-152
    発行日: 1965/03/27
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  • 岡 道男
    原稿種別: 本文
    1965 年 13 巻 p. 152-157
    発行日: 1965/03/27
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  • 中村 善也
    原稿種別: 本文
    1965 年 13 巻 p. 157-159
    発行日: 1965/03/27
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  • 村田 数之亮
    原稿種別: 本文
    1965 年 13 巻 p. 159-161
    発行日: 1965/03/27
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  • 新村 祐一郎
    原稿種別: 本文
    1965 年 13 巻 p. 161-165
    発行日: 1965/03/27
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  • 藤縄 謙三
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    1965 年 13 巻 p. 165-167
    発行日: 1965/03/27
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  • 柳沼 重剛
    原稿種別: 本文
    1965 年 13 巻 p. 167-172
    発行日: 1965/03/27
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  • 北嶋 美雪
    原稿種別: 本文
    1965 年 13 巻 p. 172-175
    発行日: 1965/03/27
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  • 武宮 諦
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    1965 年 13 巻 p. 175-177
    発行日: 1965/03/27
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  • 水野 有庸
    原稿種別: 本文
    1965 年 13 巻 p. 178-182
    発行日: 1965/03/27
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  • 尼ヶ崎 徳一
    原稿種別: 本文
    1965 年 13 巻 p. 183-185
    発行日: 1965/03/27
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  • 飯尾 都人
    原稿種別: 本文
    1965 年 13 巻 p. 185-188
    発行日: 1965/03/27
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  • 原稿種別: 文献目録等
    1965 年 13 巻 p. 189-203
    発行日: 1965/03/27
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  • 原稿種別: 文献目録等
    1965 年 13 巻 p. 204-210
    発行日: 1965/03/27
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  • 原稿種別: 付録等
    1965 年 13 巻 p. 211-212
    発行日: 1965/03/27
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  • 原稿種別: 文献目録等
    1965 年 13 巻 p. 213-216
    発行日: 1965/03/27
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  • 原稿種別: 付録等
    1965 年 13 巻 p. 217-218
    発行日: 1965/03/27
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  • 原稿種別: 付録等
    1965 年 13 巻 p. 219-220
    発行日: 1965/03/27
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  • 原稿種別: 付録等
    1965 年 13 巻 p. 220-
    発行日: 1965/03/27
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  • 原稿種別: 付録等
    1965 年 13 巻 p. App1-
    発行日: 1965/03/27
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  • 原稿種別: 付録等
    1965 年 13 巻 p. App2-
    発行日: 1965/03/27
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  • 原稿種別: 表紙
    1965 年 13 巻 p. Cover2-
    発行日: 1965/03/27
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  • 原稿種別: 表紙
    1965 年 13 巻 p. Cover3-
    発行日: 1965/03/27
    公開日: 2017/05/23
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