H. Michell wrote that Greece had lost all or most of its forests by the end of the fifth century B. C. and that practically all lumber used in construction was imported(Economics of Ancient Greece, p. 82). This assertion, supported by R. L. Legon, seems to be the ruling view among academic historians. But A. Lemos, President of the Maritime Museum of Greece, says that wood suitable for shipbuilding has always been abundant in Greece-more so in the past when most of her now bare mountains were covered with forests. Which of these conflicting views is nearer to the facts? If we reflect on the enormous number of ships used in the battles from Artemisium and Salamis to Actium, we are inclined to accept Lemos' view. It is not reasonable to consider that there were in the Mediterranean world no other countries producing wood fit for shipbuilding than those enumerated in Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. 4, 5, 5. Of course, Athens in the latter half of the fifth century and in the first half of the next century imported much timber from remote countries including Thrace and Macedon. But can we believe that such small states as Epidauros and Hermione, for example, could do so in the same manner? It is far more reasonable to believe that they could obtain timber in their own or neighbouring countries. As is known from the numbers, sizes and types of their warships, the Greeks had tremendously great abilities in lumbering and shipbuilding. They used silver fir for their warships and oars, because it was the best wood for their purposes. It is very light though very strong, and was fit for their methods of lumbering and working, which were fundamentally different from ours. Accordingly mountains in the Greek world were rapidly denuded during the Classical and Hellenistic Ages. About the denudations in Cyprus and on Mount Etna we have fairly good testimonies(Theophr. Hist. Plant. 5, 8, 1. Strab. 14, 6, 5 and Diod. 14, 42, 4). As for Attica the process of the deterioration of natural environments had been mirrored in its literature. For example, Solon in his poems regards Attica as a fertile land, though Thucydides and Plato consider it as one of the most barren countries in Greece. When Peisistratus inspected the countryside, a farmer in the Hymettus Mountain was digging a piece of soil, which was, so to speak, nothing but stones. But such a farmer was only an exception, because even Peisistratus, leader of the Diakrioi, had never met such a one till then (Arist. Ath. resp. 16). In Menander's Dyskolos, however, written after about 250 years, almost the same type of farmer is said to be the genuine Attic farmer(604). In these two or three centuries mountains and hills of Attica had been more and more denuded and losing fertile soil. In the Hellenistic and Roman Periods, one of the most serious problems in Greece was, as is well known, depopulation. All over Greece the tillers of the soil were disappearing. On the neglected farms and on the denuded mountain slopes grew various thorny plants(cf. Pollux, 1, 246). From the Christian point of view, these thorny plants were interpreted as symbols of sin. Greeks under the Late Roman Empire could easily accept the pessimistic world view of the Old Testament expressed in the myth of the Fall of Man and the expulsion from Paradise. Pan, the god of the wild mountains was already dead.

抄録全体を表示

Pindar's Py. IV. 263-269 is known as a very difficult passage to interpret. The common opinion today maintains that the oak is a metaphor of Damophilos who is mentioned in the last stanza and supposed to have stayed at Thebes in exile. This interpretation however, seems, to have two weak points; for one thing, the impression the oak gives us is not consistent with the description of Damophilos, and for another, the interpretation destroys the structure of the whole poem. 1. aischynoi, phthinokarpos, dystanon, heon eremosaisa choron-these words seem certainly to express something gloomy that may have existed in the condition Damophilos was placed in. On the other hand the main point of this metaphor lies in the strength the oak shows under hard circumstances. Moreover, at least from human view, the high qualities the oak shows as firewood or as a pillar (or a beam)are its aretes. As for Damophilos, his almost ideal qualities are elaborately praised, but his present situation is not suitable for them. 2. This poem can be divided into four parts. The first part consists largely of the long description of the myth, whose main motif is the praise of Arkesilas and his family. Then comes the second part-the oak passage. But the following epode is a demand to Archesilas, that he should heal Kyrene that has suffered from a rebellion. And there follows the last stanza, i.e. the Damophilos passage. Therefore, if the oak should be Damophilos, the most serious political crisis would be a mere 'Kontrastfolie' to a personal problem. Therefore, the oak passage, connecting the part of the myth and the part of the reality in the days of Archesilas, may have some historical element. It is probably the colonization of Kyrene which is mainly mentioned in Medea's prophecy(v. 13-56)and, as a historical fact, had such a gloomy aspect as can be seen in the description of the oak. It was carried out under very hard conditions. In the word 'heon eremosaisa choron', we can probably see inquietude and sadness of the colonists led by Battos I. The quality of forbearance of the Battiads was necessary for founding and maintaining Kyrene. If this is a meaning of the oak passage, Py. IV is not only the praise of Archesilas but also a remonstrance to him who seems not necessarily competent for the throne(Hdt. IV. 162-164). Moreover, by describing the high qualities of Damophilos(a friend of the people) at the last stanza, the poet may have wanted to show Archesilas an ideal king.

抄録全体を表示

クセノポンの作品として,小品『アテーナイ人の国制』が伝えられている.本書の作者は,嘲笑と皮肉なまなざしをもって当時のアテーナイの内政,外交あるいは習俗習慣に至る種々な社会生活の側面を論じている.例えば,奴隷はどんな身なりをしていたか,犠牲の費用は誰が負担したか,海上支配,同盟諸国支配が如何に行なわれていたか,貴族と民衆の関係は如何なる状態にあったかなど,本書の内容は極めて多岐に渡り,まことに興味の尽きない材料を我々に提供してくれる.かのアリストテレスの同名の書とは趣を異にするとはいえ,当時のアテーナイの歴史を考察する上に不可欠な重要史料の一つであることは周知の通りである.しかるに,残念ながら,誰が,何時,何処で,如何なる目的で本小品を著したのか,近代歴史学の確立した19世紀以来幾多の学者により研究されて来たが,未だに識者の間で見解の一致が見られていない.そのために,我々は本書を史料として使用する時には,大きな掣肘を受けざるをえないというのが現状である.本稿は,本小品の史料価値の重要性を思い,その制作年代に関して一つの結論を試みようとするものである.

抄録全体を表示

'Four-fold classification of beings' in cahp. 2 of the Categories depends upon two sorts of relations between two beings, as follows: (1)Y is said of a subject X(καθ' υποκειμενου του X λεγεται το Y), and (2)Y is in a subject X(εν υποκειμενω τω X εστι το Y), provided that X and Y designate some beings. (1)should be interpreted, not as being restricted to the case in which Y is the species or genus of X, but as more extensive or more abstracted. 'The individual man(X) : man as its species(Y)' or 'knowledge-of-grammar(X) : knowledge as its genus(Y)' given in this chapter is merely an instance of(1). In my interpretation, (1)means 'X is an element or subset of Y'. (2), as well, need not be restricted to the case in which X is a physical substance. 'A harmony is in notes'(the Topics 123a36-37), for example, can be thought of, as an instance of(2). Arguments in the Categories and those in the Topics have a close affinity with each other. This fact corresponds with my interpretation. For, from this fact we can have a well-founded conjecture that chap. 2 of the Categories gives an account of the fundamental structure common to, or abstracted from, all sorts of arguments such as those described in the Topics. Moreover, the consistency of a(linguistic-ontological) system developed in the Categories would be made sufficiently clear. According to my interpretation, (1) and(2)would be ascertained to be used consistently in this book all along(especially, in chap. 5 2b1-3 and chap. 10 1lb38-12a16)without introducing any modifications in their meaning.

抄録全体を表示

Callimachus' Epigram 28 is generally taken as showing an early encroachment of vulgar pronunciation in Hellenistic literary Greek. If the poet made the Echo resound 'αλλο&b.sigmav; εχει' in answer to his own 'ναιχι καλο&b.sigmav;', then inevitably the sound of αι was already identical with that of e. This way of interpreting ep. 28, though current ever since Bentley, entails many difficulties, for(i)no other evidence for αι=ε is so early,(ii)no true parallel can be found in Call, for so complicated a punning, (iii)the 'περιφοιτο&b.sigmav;' appears too early(v. 3)to become itself the core of the pointe at the end, (iv)the pointe is not clearly articulated, making vv. 1-4 and vv. 5-6 utterly disjunct, (v)the Echo inverting the word-order is a complication not attested elsewhere, and(vi)Lysanies remains, on this assumption, a mere name without the least connection with the grammarian of that name. None of the many attempts at emendation and explanation have ever succeeded in escaping them all. If, on the contrary, we take the whole epigram at its face value, without any such preconceptions as of αι=ε, all these difficulties disappear. That which the Echo 'imitates' in answering 'καλλο&b.sigmav; εχει' (K following Giangrande) must surely be something equivalent in sound to it and in sense to 'συ δε ναιχι καλο&b.sigmav;, καλο&b.sigmav;'. Only 'καλο&b.sigmav; εχει(&b.sigmav;)' meets the requirements, the recognition of which(at the very end of the poem)appropriately makes a pointe. Moreover, the solution of such ambivalent cases as ΚΑΛΛΟΣΕΧΕΙ was the chief concern of those λυτικοι like Lysanias. Thus ep. 28 is no evidence at all for colloquialism in pronunciation, but hints rather at the discrepancy between the literary and the everyday language.

抄録全体を表示

Speeches in Ovid's Metamorphoses which are not made in dialogue can be divided into two groups, monologues and addressing speeches. Four "Totenklage" in the Metamorphoses belong to the latter group, because they are mourning speeches which are addressed to the dead by their lovers or their kindred. Addressing characters in the Metamorphoses are: Apollo over the death of Hyacinthus(10. 196-208), Venus over the death of Adonis(10. 724-31), Aesacus over the death of Hesperie(1l. 778-82) , and Hecuba over the death of Polyxena(13. 494-532). These speeches contain many topoi of the genre "Totenklage" and show Ovid's rhetorical technique. In the context of the Metamorphoses, they also play an important part in bringing metamorphoses into the story. A god predicts a metamorphosis of the dead, and then his metamorphosis takes place. A man, too, motivates a metamorphosis by declaring, for example, his intention of committing suicide and brings the story to an end. Hecuba's speech is by far the longest "Totenklage" of all: it has 39 lines. This speech resembles the mourning speech made by Euryalus' mother in the ninth book of the Aeneid. The resemblance between the two speeches shows not only frequent use of topoi but also Ovid's consciousness of the tradition of Epic poetry. Hecuba continuously mourns her dead daughter Polyxena and bewails her own ill fortune, and the function of her speech seems different from other "Totenklage" in that it doesn't bring a metamorphosis into the story. The word "superest" is a clue to the solution. This word appears twice in her speech, at line 494 and at line 527. At line 494 Hecuba thinks nothing is left to her, but at line 527 she finds her most beloved son Polydorus is still alive. This hope gives her the will to live and immediately she ends her lament. Actually, Polydorus has already been killed and when she realizes the fact, she can endure her sorrow no more : Hecuba takes her revenge for her son and changes into a dog. Thus, her speech has close relation to her metamorphosis. "Totenklage" in Ovid's Metamorphoses play a vital role in the story.

抄録全体を表示

The provincia Baetica had long been noted for the development of municipal institutions during the period of Roman rule. Strabo, an ancient geographer, refers to the complete romanization of the natives in this area. Pliny the Elder points out that in Baetica there were 175 towns, of which 46 had Roman or Latin rights. Ptolemy names only 84 towns there. But, nowadays, on the basis of ancient sources (literature, inscriptions, milestones and coins) , it is ascertained that there were 250 towns in Baetica. Of these towns only 92 seem to have had Roman municipal institutions. Therefore, supposing that the number of towns had not increased greatly, we might guess that almost 200 communities were not romanized in Julio-Claudian times. What were these communities? Or, what relations did they have to the romanized cities? We must seek for some clues to solve these problems. Then, by analyzing several inscriptions, the following might be inferred : (1) A certain number of cities(e. g. Contributa Iulia Ugultuniacum, Municipium Contributum Ipscense) united several surrounding communities called civitas, oppidum, pagus, etc. (2) One of the most interesting points is the survival of centuriae, which should be regarded as native tribes in the district along the River Guadalquivir, the most romanized area. (3) It is, of course, surmised that in Baetica these tribal communities were limited in the degree of survival, compared with other areas in the Peninsula. For several reasons, however, the extent of romanization in this provincia should not be overestimated.

抄録全体を表示