The story of the Wooden Horse is told by three different characters in the Odyssey. It is first told by Menelaos at δ 266-289, then by Demodokos at θ 499-520, and lastly by Odysseus at λ 505-537. Previous studies on these three passages have shown that the details of these three accounts are so composed that each account fits its context. In the present paper, I would like to further the observations in those studies by comparing the three passages, especially in terms of whether what is happening outside or inside the Wooden Horse is described in each account, and by considering the inter-relationship between these accounts. In Menelaos' account, both Helen's behaviour outside the Wooden Horse and Odysseus' behaviour inside are depicted. Menelaos' depiction of Helen as behaving irrationally and endangering the Greek soldiers undermines her own favourable depiction of herself (δ 244-264) as a woman who kept the secret of Odysseus' identity and whose sympathy was already on the Greek side. On the other hand, the depiction of Odysseus in Menelaos' account emphasizes his steadfast resistance to temptation. The detail of Odysseus seizing Antiklos' mouth enhances this effect. Odysseus asks Demodokos to sing of the Wooden Horse. The wording employed in his request to Demodokos (θ 494-5) indicates that Odysseus desires to hear especially of his own brilliant prowess as the leader of the enterprise of the Wooden Horse. Demodokos, however, concentrates on the fatal meeting of the Trojans outside the Wooden Horse, not Odysseus' leading role among the Greek soldiers inside. In relation to the contrast between Odysseus' request and the actual content of the song, it should be noted that Odysseus asks Demodokos to sing of the Wooden Horse 'which godlike Odysseus led to the acropolis' (θ 494-5), whereas it is stated in Demodokos' song that it was the Trojans themselves who brought it to the acropolis (θ 504). The song of Demodokos emphasizes the suffering of the war, especially on the Trojan side, rather than Odysseus' prowess. The simile of a captive war widow attached to Odysseus (θ 523-530) points up the suffering of the Trojans in Demodokos' song. Since Odysseus' account of the Wooden Horse is a reply to Achilleus' question about his son, it contains detailed description of Neoptolemos' prowess. The description of Neoptolemos' exploits suggests that father and son played similar roles among the Greeks. This account also contains descriptions of Odysseus' own exploits. Especially, Odysseus claims that he was responsible for opening the Wooden Horse at the right moment for the attack, and for keeping it closed until then (λ 524-5). Like Menelaos' account, Odysseus' account of the Wooden Horse has two foci (Neoptolemos and Odysseus), though the two accounts differ in that Menelaos, whose foci are Odysseus and Helen, describes both the inside and outside of the Wooden Horse, whereas Odysseus concentrates on the inside. As we have observed above, Odysseus' key role does not feature in Demodokos' account of the story, even though Odysseus specifically requests to hear it. In this respect, it is notable that both Demodokos' song and Odysseus' account of the Wooden Horse, which is a part of his lengthy story of his wanderings (the apologoi), are presented to the same audience at Alkinoos' palace on the same evening. Though a long stretch of Odysseus' story of his adventures intervenes between the two accounts of the Wooden Horse, the fact that the apologoi are addressed to the Phaiakians at the court of Alkinoos is brought back to our attention by the intermission in Odysseus' narrative at λ 333-377. It is conceivable that Odysseus adds the detail of his own leading role inside the Wooden Horse in order to correct the song of Demodokos.

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With the perspective given by Bundy, most of the difficulties of the Second Pythian are being solved. But the problem of line 67 still remains to be examined. The ode seems to end here, the final triad being an 'appendix' or 'supplement' which cannot be tied to the themes of argument in its preceding part. This paper assumes that "the establishing of the argument throughout the ode is the minimum prerequisite for an interpretation of an ode" (Slater, CJ 72[1977], 199). The purpose of this paper is to establish the argument in the final triad of the Second Pythian, especially around the fissure of line 67. The problem of 67 is obvious. Both the context and the wording seem to suggest the end of the ode. A large ring-composition of praise-myth-praise has just closed, and χαιρε means 'farewell'. Should not the ode end here? This expectation, however, is not justified. Direct praise does not suggest the end of an ode. Besides P. 2, there are 25 odes that have a myth in their centre. Seven of them lack any direct praise in the post-myth part. In at least 8 odes (O. 6, 8, 9; P. 8, 10, 11; N. 9; I. 1) of the remaining 18, the first direct praise after the myth ends leaving more than one epode/strophe, allowing a thematic transition. A transition is also indicated by χαιρε. In hymns χαιρε is not 'farewell' but 'delight in these'. By affirming the establishment of the χαρι&b.sigmav;-relationship with a god and requesting reciprocal good-will, the singer can now turn to other themes, without arousing the god's anger. This structure is seen in I. 1. 32, where χαιρετε indicates a transition from the hymnal praise to the theme preceding it, with a digressional framing. In P. 2. 67, χαιρε indicates a transition from the direct praise of the victor, followed by the statement of the beauty of the song, which establishes the χαρι&b.sigmav;-srelationship. Not an end, therefore, but a transition is prepared at 67-71. How then is the transition made? We must understand the significance of 72, almost a variation of γνωθι σεαυτον, and the clue must be in what is said before the direct praise, which is a digression. (It may seem strange to consider the direct praise, the most important part of the epinician argument, as a digression. But this structure has parallels. In P. 10. 53-63 the direct praise is framed with maxims of αλλοτε αλλον, by varying their implications to advance the argument ; cf. also P. 8. 73-97, N. 11. 13-32, /. 2. 30-45.) In 49-61, three points must be noted. First, the break-off in 52-56 is made up of the denial of κακαγορια, which is emphasized in 58-60. Second, the θαυμα-moWi which brought about the break-off (49-52) consists in the affirmation of the greatness of gods, but at this point there seems to be no logical relation between this affirmation and the denial of κακαγορια. Third, it is stated that human success and failure are effectuated as a god pleases (51-52). This third point makes clear the meaning of 72 γενοι', οιο&b.sigmav; εσσι μαθων : this phrase composes a maxim of σωφροσυνη, which resumes the theme of 51-52. The second-person does not refer to Hieron : it is indefinite (this shift of reference is supported by (1)the asyndeton, (2)the phrase being a maxim, (3)the closure of the digressional framing, and (4)the parallel in P. 1. 81-92). The final triad develops around these three points. In 72-78 the theme of σωφροσυνη goes to the background and that of κακαγορια comes to the front. The practice, danger and inefficacy of κακαγορια are depicted with metaphors. But its inefficacy is not gained without effort : lines 79-88 state what must be done in order to make κακαγορια ineffectual. The practice of κακαγορια is depicted with another metaphor, this time together with the opposite practice of good citizens. And by referring to common morals, κακαγορια becomes the opposite of δικη

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We have many documents of state honorary decrees from fourth-century Athens. Although these honours were mostly awarded to non-citizens, some were to Athenian citizens. Though these decrees which honoured fellow citizens might bring about social inequality among citizens, honours and privileges continued nevertheless to be conferred on citizens by them. This paper is intended to shed light on the social functions of these honorary decrees in the Athenian citizen body during this period. I use not only inscriptions of the decrees awarded to citizens, but also literary texts as supplementary materials. The commonly held view of the character of these decrees based primarily on the epigraphical evidence can be summarized as the following four points. First, the number of honorary decrees increased in the third quarter of the fourth century. This increase has been explained as a response to the liturgies made by propertied citizens in order to get over the financial crisis that followed the fall of the Athenian Empire. Secondly, there was a custom of honorary decrees ex officio, that is, routine conferment of honours to officials at the end of their term of office. Some scholars have explained this custom as a means of encouraging citizens indifferent to politics to participate in the government, and others have argued that it was helpful to recruit the political leaders indispensable for democracy. Thirdly, officials could receive honours only after they gave accounts (euthynai). These restrictions could prevent honours being awarded to corrupt officials. Lastly, inscriptions now rendered more detailed reasons for the honours being awarded than before. This stylistic change has been interpreted not only in terms of the honorees' desire for publicity, but also as a means to promote other citizens' services to the polis. These commonly held opinions may be right for the most part, but there remains a problem. The more honorary decrees were passed, the less the honours themselves would be valued. Thence, the honorary decrees would not have functioned as effectively as before. I propose two other ways that the honorary decrees functioned in Athenian society. One is that the honorary decrees formed and reconfirmed an ethical code among citizens. Discussions preceding the decisions in the assembly and publication of the honorary inscriptions would contribute to make images of the ideal citizen and to drum these images into citizens. Therefore, honorary decrees might make an ethical standard known to citizens. Another possibility can be explained as follows. Generally speaking, a would-be honoree must show obedience to an honorer in order to secure honours from the latter and, if he can, to receive higher honours. The honorary system is, therefore, an effective means of manipulating an administrative apparatus. This must have been the case in classical Athens. Officials aspiring to receive honours ex officio could not help subordinating themselves to the will of the assembly and the rhetores who shaped opinion there (1,111 ; Aischin. 22,8 ; 20). Otherwise, they might not be able to receive even honours ex officio-routine honours-and this would inevitably be shameful while other citizens were being awarded there. In other words, the assembly, that is, the Athenian citizen body could control the officials by way of honorary decrees. Thus, the system of honours that were awarded regularly to Athenian citizens prevented concentration of power in the hands of a few citizens and contributed to the exceptional social stability of fourth-century Athens.

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In 421/0 B. C. the festival of Hephaistos was organized or reorganized at Athens (IG I^3 82). Many studies have generally supposed that this event along with the resumption of building of the Hephaisteion honored Hephaistos and Athena as the patron deities of metalworking and handicraft. Whereas I recognize the importance of the two gods in these areas, I contend also that too little attention has been paid to the reasons why this minor god suddenly attracted Athenian state attention and why his festival was (re)organized in the period after the end of the Archidamian War that lasted 10 years. The contents of the Hephaistia lacked features with special relation to handicraft or metalworking. Rather, the Hephaistia seems to have been a festival for all citizens, consisting mainly of tribal team races, contests, and a procession. On the other hand, a distribution of sacrificial meat for metics may be regarded as a token of Athens' gratitude for their services in the areas of handicraft and metalworking. However, the clause of the distribution bears special terms, to which little attention has been paid until now. That is, a distribution of 'raw meat'(ωμα τα κρεα). This should indicate, I think, that there were two procedures for distribution of sacrificial meat ; one for Athenian citizens, the other for non-Athenians, metics. This might be the reason why two sets of hieropoioi were exceptionally elected. Therefore, this would mean that the receivers of 'raw meat', i. e. metics, were not essentially participants of the festival and the festival aimed at exclusively Athenian citizens in a ritual sense. In the course of the fifth century the myth of Erichthonios had become systematized alongside increasing claims to autochthony, and Hephaistos has a relevant place as father of Erichthonios. Even so, this character seems to have been underestimated in studies of Athenian religion. Although there are not many sources, a few certainly exist which characterize him as Athenian mythical ancestor in cults and rites since the fifth century. The most representative of these is a rite devoted to Hephaistos at the festival Apatouria reported by Istros in the last half of the third century. Irrespective of Istros' explanation, we should recognize that in that rite Hephaistos was regarded as mythical ancestor as a rite for him was added to the great ancestral festival Apatouria. Besides, although this relation between Hephaistos and the Apatouria has been supposed to be very ancient in origin, such an inference is not based on any certain sources. It would be more appropriate to infer that the relationship was not formed until the fourth century when state concern for phratries was increased. In 451/0 B. C. Pericles' citizenship law was enacted, and thereafter it played an important role in deciding Athenians' identity alongside the tradition of Athenian autochthony. However, there was an inconsistency between these two concepts. Autochthony was the claim to be born from the earth, i. e. born from unisexual (maternal) reproduction, while on the other hand Pericles' citizenship law required two citizen parents, i. e. father and mother. In this point, the claim to autochthony had not a function to keep Athenians observing the law. When the 10 years-long war ended, Athens felt a need to tighten up and reintegrate her citizen body. It was the Hephaistia that was utilized for this purpose. An especially important point of the Hephaistia is that the festival was devoted not only to Hephaistos but also to Athena. The Hephaistia honored Hephaistos and Athena as the mythical father and mother gods of autochthonous Athenians rather than as the patron deities of metalworkers and craftsmen. Through participation in the festival, it was intended to make Athenians reconfirm that their citizenship was also obtained through their lawful parents in the same way as

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Although there is some controversy about the authenticity of Hippias Major, the majority now take it to be Plato's own work. But the assessment of 'philosophy' involved in it has just begun with the commentary of P. Woodruff. But most scholars including Woodruff who think the fine to be open to definition regard the aporia of search as representing the failure of Socratic argument depicted by Plato. But in my view, this is a grave fault of interpreters. As a result, the definitions of the fine by the beneficial and the beneficial pleasure, which are the key points of the dialogue, have not yet been given proper and successful interpretation. My task in this paper is to give a new interpretation of this dialogue, focusing on the concept of the beneficial. Hippias, Socrates' interlocutor in this dialogue, displays the fine practices desirable in youth through a fictional discourse based on Homer. Conversely, he teaches fine things without himself knowing the fine. The problem of the beauty of virtue lies hidden in the initial situation of the dialogue. Examining Hippias' ideas of the fine, Socrates shows the fine to be an incomplete predicate during the refutation of Hippias. To refute Hippias' first proposal (fine girl) and his third one (happy life), Socrates refers to the existence of gods. But Hippias' second proposal (gold) is refuted by the notion of appropriateness he himself applied. The appropriateness is at first introduced as a visual one, but is immediately transformed to a moral one, i. e. the appropriateness to ends. The visual appropriateness per se has not yet been examined. In Socrates' self-refutation, his proposal for the definitions of the fine is concerned with human motivation, whose archetype was presented in Grg. 474de. Motivations which are introduced into the argument through visual appropriateness have two series. 1. utility : the useful-the beneficial. 2. pleasure : pleasure through sight and hearing-beneficial pleasure. In each series, the last definition makes explicit the relation of the fine and the good through the notion of beneficial, which leads to aporia. But among fine things, there are some which cannot be perceived as fine. These are the beauty of law and practice Plato esteems highly. The visual appropriateness is concerned with perception, not with being. Then, the appropriateness to ends, that is, utility comes in. But usefulness for doing bad things cannot receive approbation. If good things are substituted for bad things, can the definition of the fine be formed successfully? But, if the good is made consequent of the productive agent (doing or making) and the fine is made antecedent of it, this results in the non-identity of the fine with the good. The beneficial does not explain the fine. The fine cannot be composed of objective good things. With this result, Socrates turns to the examination of the second series of motivations : pleasure. Does pleasure through sight and hearing, i. e. pleasure (s+h), explain the fine? The problems with which Plato is faced in this definition are the following. 1. Is the beauty of law and practice explicable by pleasure (s+h)? 2. Does pleasure (s+h) explain the fine? But the definiens, pleasure (s+h), which takes the form of a conjunction, cannot denote a single thing. (The same is true with disjunction.)Problem 1 can be answered only after problem 2 is settled definitely. But because the definition of the fine by pleasure (s+h) failed, problem 1 remains open. Why is the term 'fine' applied to pleasure (s+h)? The ground for predicating 'fine' about pleasure (s+h) is asked here. Is there any explanation convertible with and inherent in the fine? To this question Socrates answers that pleasure (s+h) is the most harmless and the best. When one asks with reflection the ground of predicating 'fine', the other name of the term

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本論の目的は,『ゴルギアス』篇を手がかりとして,ソクラテス(以下,S.と略記)によって為された「吟味による探求」の哲学的な意義を考察することにある.特にこの対話篇においては,S.の倫理的表明が果たして真理を示しうるかということが議論の一つの焦点となっている.その点の検討を含めて,S.の「吟味による探求」に対する私なりの解釈を提示したい.

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『パノレメニデス』第II部の意義をめぐっては,とりわけ第I部のイデア論批判との関連でこれまでさまざまに論じられてきた.近年では,C.C.Meinwald らの論考が口火となって再びさかんに論じられている.しかし多くの解釈が試みられてきたにもかかわらず,いまだに研究者らの見解は大きく分かれており,基本的な合意さえ得られていない.だがこの第II部をどのように理解するかは,第I部のイデア論批判の解釈にも関わり,その意味は大きい.本稿は,あらためて第II部の意義をとらえ直し,そこから第I部のイデア論批判の議論に対するプラトン自身の応答を読み解こうとする一つの試みであり,このようなアプローチから『パルメニデス』におけるイデアの分有について考察することを意図する.

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I offer an interpretation of the origin of how and why the phrase το τι ην ειναι (hereafter essence) is employed, by giving an account of the context in which essence is introduced and its linguistic structure. In "The Topics" Aristotle develops a method by means of which one can formally examine whether any proposed proposition is well said or not. This method of establishing and rejecting any proposition is developed as Topos theory. Topos is the locution of argument or the point at issue on the basis of which a questioner examines a proposition proposed by the counterpart of dialogue i. e. an answerer. Aristotle must have thought that Socratic dialectic is ad hoc as a method in the sense that his inquiry into definition by examining another's thesis always comes to a dead-end. Aristotle criticizes Socratic dialogue as follows ; "it was natural that Socrates should be seeking the essence,--there was as yet none of the dialectical power which enables people even without the "what is it?" to speculate about contraries"(1078b23-26). I take it that Aristotle strengthens dialectic by creating a system of inquiry into "what it is" and to deal with contraries without directly asking the question "what is it?". Dialectic argument must not raise the problem by asking the question "what is it?", but raise it like "whether is two-footed terrestrial animal the definition of man or not?" so as to be answered by just saying "yes or no"(101b32, 158a16). The main ingredients of Topos theory are four predicables (definition, unique property, genus and accident) of which every proposition is composed. Predicables are the ways of predicate's belonging to its subject. While "definition is a phrase which signifies essence", "unique property is what does not refer essence for some subject but belongs only to it and counterpredicates with it"(101b38, 102a18). In this way, any proposed proposition is classified into one of these four predicables. Since these four predicables are exclusive of one another, the reference of essence is fixed with respect to other three predicables and introduced as a technical phrase in the introduction of predicables. One common feature among these is that "all these are definitory"(102b34). Even accident is alleged to be regarded as "definitory", because nothing prevents it from temporarily "becoming unique property", a kind of identity which is the necessary condition for definition(102b21f, cf. 102a7-10). I claim that these four predicables are proposed to deal with all possible answers of the Socratic question "what is it?". An important characteristic in the Socratic practice of inquiring into definition is that he rejects the kind of answers which are given by examples i. e. accidents and asks again the object itself. For example, Socrates asks "what do you think knowledge is?". Theaetetus answers by giving examples of knowledge such as geometry. Socrates responds to this by saying "We put the question, not because we wanted to count them, but because we wanted to know what, exactly, knowledge itself is"(Theae., 146c-e, cf. Euth., 6d, Laches, 190e). This shows that the question "what is it?" in the Greek language can be answered by being given an example and also by an object itself. I claim that το τι ην ειναι is coined by Aristotle to convey the object itself so as to avoid confusions which took place between Socrates who has only one way of asking i. e. "τι εστι;" and the answerer. If this interpretation is right, the linguistic structure of essence will be made clear. I will just focus on the reason why the imperfect ην is employed. Goodwin writes in his Syntax of Greek Moods and Tenses that "The imperfect ην may express a fact which is just recognized as such by

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キュンティア(以下C.)が田舎に出かける際,プロペルティウス(以下P.,引用も同様)が田舎の純潔を讃え,ローマの危険を歌った送別の辞,というのがP.2. 19の伝統的理解であろう.確かに表面上は,その様に見えるが,私には,この歌には何か別の響きが隠されているように思われる.唯一Bodohがこれを指摘しているが,彼の解釈は全体としては失敗と言わざるを得ず,そのためか,彼以後も,この歌の恐らくは本質的な部分が無視されている.この歌には,さらに,本文の問題があるうえ,後半部には改竄までもが紛れ込んでいる.本稿の目的は,これらの本文上の問題の解決と,この歌全体の解釈である.

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By investigating the Greek word neidw and its cognates in the Republic and other dialogues, Popper believed that Plato is recommending rhetorical propaganda i. e. "talking over by foul means," together with violence, rather than "persuasion by fair means" as instruments of political technique (The Open Society and Its Enemies, 1945). But more important than this criticism is Morrow's claim that even without the foul means, persuasion, as is understood by Plato, involves ominous consequences ('Plato's Conception of Persuasion,' PR62, 1953). Morrow examined relevant passages, particularly in the Laws and concluded that Plato, who could not allow any soul to engage in "the free play of individual criticism" so that it could safely reach maturity, blinded himself to the deeper meaning of Socratic concern for the soul. Yet Socrates' dialectic, in which Morrow sees the spirit of genuine persuasion, does often break down without any agreement being reached when it is carried on with such difficult interlocutors as Callicles and Thrasymachus. Plato took seriously Socrates' failure to persuade them to care for virtue. My purpose is, by examining this line of Plato's thought, to show that his conception of persuasion has the significance drawn from his reflections on Socrates' dialectic. It is not just that the failure of a reasonable conversation would be, as Irwin supposes ('Coercion and Objectivity in Plato's Dialectic,' RIP40, 1986), due to the insincerity or ill-temperedness which the interlocutor displays in refusing to continue cooperative discussion. We know that in the Gorgias Socrates argued that rhetoric alleged to be the art of persuasion was no art but a mere empirical knack, whereas in a later dialogue, the Phaedrus, Plato concedes the possibility of the kind of rhetoric that deserves a genuine craft and sets it forth as the art of leading souls. What this remarkable change actually means will become clear to us when we consider Socrates' method of cross-examination and refutation. His arguments always rest on, and his conclusion step by step logically follows from, premises to which he secures agreement from his interlocutors. But the problem lies in the way in which the agreed-upon premises are accepted, taken, and felt by each interlocutor with his own point of view. Socrates' understanding of some premises does not agree with, and is sometimes irreconcilably different from, the interlocutor's, so that it is hard for them to share the same conclusion. For no statement and no word is a logical formula or a logical symbol to be manipulated in a definite way. Such disagreement has its roots, Plato's theory of the tripartite soul reveals, in their essentially different conceptions of the good that cannot be easily reduced to each other. Now in the Apology Socrates says, "the unexamined life is not worth living" and invites everyone to join in cooperative inquiry. However, when Plato wrote the Republic he had become sceptical, not about the truth of Socrates' memorable words, but about his philosophical activity characterized as inquiry into the truth by examinig himself and others, since everyone does not want to, and cannot, therefore, should not, examine himself or herself in the same way as Socrates does. Plato's realistic view is that no two people are born alike in that there are innate differences which fit them for different occupations. Dialectic requires a natural gift for it. People's different conceptions of the good, however, derive from their dominating desires or motives rather than from their natural gifts. Hence three basic types of men, the philosophic, the ambitious, and the lovers of gain. Plato can, then, no longer believe that the conflict of their value judgements is resolved by Socratic argument, since their experience,

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In this essay I shall suggest that one of the implications of the active voice of peitho is to change the relationship between the parties concerned. Previous studies on peitho or persuasion which have paid no serious attention to the difference in implication between the active voice peitho and the middle voice peithomai seem to fail to appreciate complexities in the scenes where the persuasion is taking place. The first and best example for this argument is the quarrel scene in Iliad I where the issue is whether Agamemnon should return Chryseis with some compensation or without. Through analysis of the usage of peitho and peithomai in the exchange of speeches, it becomes clear that the only instance of peitho, Il. I,132, which appears in the negative form and is spoken by Agamemnon to represent Achilleus' proposal of the return of Chryseis without compensation, contrasts with all the other instances of peithomai in the sense that the former implies a change in the former state of distribution of the spoils among the Achaians which defines their social relationships. As a result of the quarrel the Achaians keep their solidarity, but they lose Achilleus. The underlying reason for this quarrel is that the amount of the spoils is limited. This is indirectly and partly supported by the fact that there is no instance of peitho between the Olympian deities in Homer who are not bound together by their direct and indirect reciprocal obligations and enjoy a high degree of independence because their resources are not limited. Finally, if we try to identify the space of persuasion in Greek literature in the light of a change in relationship as in the case of peitho, we can find many interesting examples for the study of persuasion where the parties concerned are arguing on which of the parties starts to change the relationship such as in the diplomatic scene of Ar. Av.(esp. 1596-1602) even if there is no reference to peitho.

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That there were at least two modes of persuading, with words and with gifts, in classical Athens has widely been accepted since Buxton(1982). It should be noted, as Harvey has suggested(1985), that neither mode was necessarily considered more improper than the other : monetary persuasion, expressed as χρημασι(δωροι&b.sigmav;, δου&b.sigmav; χρηματα etc.) πειθειν, coexisted with verbal, for which λογοι&b.sigmav; πειθειν was the usual phrase. In this paper the author's principal aim is to examine how and by which mode the Athenian citizens could be persuaded by their leaders under the regime of democracy, and to show what kind of social values underlay each of the two modes of persuading. Persuasion with gifts including bribes, mainly used in more or less private spheres, was firmly rooted in the traditional and rather aristocratic values according to which reciprocity should play an essential role in forming social relationships, whereas persuasion with words-and rhetoric-, normally employed in public speeches before a large body of citizens, i. e., assembly, council or popular court, was underpinned by a new, democratic ideology. The author attempts to argue that there can be observed a shift from the former toward the latter mode of persuasion in the course of the development of Athenian Democracy during the fifth century B. C, where three politicians are relevant : Miltiades, Cimon and Pericles. Miltiades, the victorious general at Marathon, and his son Cimon both represented the traditional norms concerning reciprocity, exercising their leaderships characteristically by means of persuasion with gifts : Miltiades promised the Athenian citizens 'to make them rich if they followed him' (Hdt. VI 132) , thus offering a gift in the future, when he persuaded them into setting out on an expedition against Paros in an assembly in 489 ; Cimon could likewise obtain much support from them and be elected general many times in the 470s and 460s only by lavishly expending his funds in giving his private patronage to the lower-class people. Persuading the demos with gift, however, was crucially checked by Pericles, who was well conscious of the power of oratory and fully exploited it as a political weapon to persuade the demos ; furthermore, he drove a wedge into the tradition of the political culture based on the reciprocity principle, himself adopting an extremely incorruptible life-style as a politician, for which he was praised by Thucydides as 'αδωροτατο&b.sigmav;'(II 65,8). It is also worth noting that there is much evidence that a system of accountability to detect and prosecute financial crimes including bribery was remarkably evolved under Pericles' leadership by the third quarter of the fifth century. The development of Athenian Democracy, therefore, can be described in a way as a process of conflict between the two opposing attitudes toward reciprocity, old and new, which eventually caused an inevitable change from persuasion with gift to that with words as a means of moving the demos in the symbouleutic and jurisdictional bodies : persuasion by words and rhetoric, not by gift and wealth, was more suited to the democratic principle that all male citizens were equally allowed to participate in the government regardless of the amount of their property.

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