The lord of seas and waters in Gr. mythology, Poseidon has been the object of much speculation, recently esp. by Schachermeyr in his "Poseidon .etc." 1950. The paper seeks to find some more elucidations about his nature and attendant myths after Schach. The etymology offered for his name by Kretschmer, followed by Wilamowitz, Nilsson and Schach. too, seems quite plausible, that of combining ποσει- (voc. to ποσει-) with Δα&b.sigmav; (gen. of Da, the Earth-mother), which however requires the crystalisation of the annexation the meaning of the compound submerged beneath the consciousness of people. The writer gathers together, after Schach. etc., examples of the combination of Poseidon with Demeter in various parts of Greek peninsula recorded by Pausanias, Plutarch etc., notably at Thelpusa, Phigaleia, Akakesion, Pheneos, Gythion, Hermione, Troizen, Kalauria, Athenai (Kolonos, Kerameikos, Akropolis), Eleusis, Lebadeia, Delphoi and many others, which can not be fortuitous, while in many places, mostly in Arcadia but at Kolonos and others too, they appear as, or related to, horses. It should be noted again that either of the Gods is often turned into forms of Hypostaseis, as a result of both religious syncretism and disintegration, resulting at times in an accumulation of various fossilized epicletic names. Such is, for example, the case with the "Demeter on the Pron" at Hermione, founded by one Klymenos and his sister Chthonia, with a temple of Klymenos opposite, while the goddess is called Chthonia, too. The townsfolk think that the God Klymenos is the lord of infernal regions and different from the founder Klymenos. The Phytalos who welcomed D. at Lacius' grove by Cephisus, must be P. too, a by-form of P. Phytalmios, worshipped at Troizen and Athens. Or the Trophonios, noted for his mantic power at Lebadeia, must be a hypostasis of P. as situated by and in a cave, which is a peculiarity of P. worship, with a fountain-nymph Herkyna, a by-form of Demeter, the nurse-mother of Kore. The statues therein with snakes are called Asklepios and Hygieia (for snakes), or Troph. and Herkyna, which ought to be P. and D. The Nymph Melantheia at Kalauria, the Eumenides (Erinys as at Thelpusa) at Colonus, should or may be D. too, while Erechtheus and Erichthonios, which must be by-forms, on the Akropolis, called opponents to P. by Schachermeyr, ought to be hypostaseis of P., in view of the tradition, pertaining to P. and Athena's dispute, and the chthonic character and appelation of P. such as Erysi-, Elelichthon etc., as Erichthonios simply means 'the great Earth-lord', the mate of Chthonia-Demeter. The writer invites attention to Medusa and Medeia also, a form without eury-, "the wideruling " -lady or goddess, which can be epikleseis of D. as Eurymedon, Iphimedeia, Agamede etc. may prove. Next two chapters are concerned with Orchomenos, as an example of P. worshipping clans, the dynasties of which show manifest confusion resulting from frequent and apparent intrusion of P. and his Hypostaseis, while Theban traditions usurp many items thereof-Klymenos, Klymene, Persephone, Almos (<Phyt-alm-ios) being mere names of hypostaseis, brought together as means of connecting various heroes under Poseidonic influences with Orchomenians or Minyans. The writer again ventures a hypothesis that the husband's name of these ladies, viz. lasos or lasios (1) may mean. Poseidonic incarnation, or a daimon of the like chthonic nature (maybe Preachaean), which brings also lasion within its circle, a figure in direct communication with D.. lason, too, is not far away from lasios: lason, who is also a Minyan and coupled with a Medeia (though presumably a Corinthian deity). Lastly it may be advanced that Pluton (from Plutos, but usually Aides (2)) was in reality the greatest of P.'s hypostaseis, serving as his substitute when he was changed into a

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The Palace Style pottery is of a peculiar style among the Aegean potteries. Evans and Furumark had noticed that while its shapes and ornaments were Cretan, the stylization and the disposition of its ornamental design were Helladic. Besides this, its second characteristic, its monumentality, makes it unique in other Aegean pottery. What makes the Palace Style pottery appear monumental? The effect is gained primarily by a large and broad belly ornamental frieze which shows great complexity of pattern, but never betrays any sign of confusion, mainly because of its concentration or grouping. Now, where shall we find sources of these characteristics which produce such an effect of grandeur? Investigating every piece of the chief designs and their disposition, I have come to the conclusion as follows: (1) Influence of Cretan fresco-Nearly all the designs are copied, not from the Cretan LM I pottery, but from the Knossian frescoes, and moreover the main frieze (belly frieze) is framed above and below with black broad lines. One may even assume that somewhere in the vase-painter's mind lurked an image of the Knossian fresco. That is why the patterns of the main frieze show a far more complicated and monumental appearance than, those of ordinary Aegean potteries. (2) Influence of Egypt -Some of the Palace Style patterns are clearly derived from Egyptian art and furthermore an Egyptian way of representation, grandiose and imposing, must have exercised a strong influence on this style. It cannot be doubted that with the beginning of LM II the intercourse between Egypt and the Mycenaean mainland suddenly became intensive. (3) Mycenaean tectonic character- The concentration or grouping of patterns and their stylization, often even symmetrical, originated from the Mycenaean (Helladic) mind. The Middle Mycenaean period (LM II) is the grand age when the Mycenaean monumentality reached its peak, the fact, of which the citadels, tholos and sculptures are unmistakable proofs. Besides, the Palace Style also shows the way in which the Greek genius absorbed foreign cultures. It is true that the Greeks were always ready to learn from the advanced foreign cultures, yet they never went so far as to let any change occur which would affect the essential character of their own culture. The Mycenaean Greeks learned from the Cretans every aspect of the Mediterranean way of living, but were, it seems, least interested in naturalism which was the specific characteristic of Cretan art. Thus the Cretan naturalistic patterns were transformed by the Greeks into something, stylized and artificial.

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Years after his return from Sicily, Pindar sent a poem, the second. Isthmian ode, to his intimate friend Thrasyboulos of Acragas. The poem was entrusted to a musician Nikesippos who was to conduct the performance of Pindar's work in Acragas. The proem of this epistolary poem consists of 13 verses, where the poet discloses two figures of the Muses, setting the empoverished Muse of the present in contrast to the Muse of the ancient poets. The passage has been often quoted since antiquity to mean that Pindar is here bitterly attacking Simonides' proverbial love of wealth. Or, others assert that in a veiled way the poet is asking Thrasyboulos for a promised payment. However, under closer examination of Pindar's own words here and elsewhere, neither of these interpretations seems to have an adequate foundation. The present article attempts to decipher the true meaning the poet intended to convey to Thrasyboulos through the Moisa image. The article tries to show that, in the light of Pindar's own experience with Thrasyboulos and Sicilian despots, the Moisa image of the Isthmian 2 reflects a meaning more deeply rooted in the poet's inner world. The two figures of Moisa, the past and the present, may represent the two distinct phases in Pindar's enthusiasm for the poetic mission. The first Moisa of old is the memory of a care-free, enthusiastic poet of the sixth Pythian, while the Moisa of the present casts the disillusioned shadow of his later experience in Sicilian courts. This protest forces its way to us through the barriers of archaic language. In this picture, the Moisa ergatis is the strongest form of expression that Pindar's art and age allowed him to describe the harsh dissonance between the vast tradition of the past and the overpowering impact of the new economic polity. Neither to us nor to Thrasyboulos will his message have failed, because this oxymoron is still only too evidently with us.

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In recent years the study of Agathon and his works has been much furthered by a series of researches such as those by P. Leveque and I. Waern, who again confirmed the much discussed influences of Gorgia's upon the style of this poet. These researches have also established beyond doubt, that Agathon was at once a tragic poet and a true sophist, who made free .use of sophistic style and thought throughout his tragedies. It is needless to say that his sophistic tragedies must inevitably have altered to a great extent the character of Attic tragedy, which had originally been largely religious and ritualistic. We can indeed find direct references to his renovation of Greek tragedy in Aristotle and other contemporary authors. In this connection it is to be noted that Agathon's taste for Gorgianic metaphor may have influenced even the titles of some of his tragedies, for example a work called "Flower". Perhaps Leveque went too far, when he surmised that Agathon's first prize-winning play mentioned in Symp. 196 ab might have been "Flower". I believe however that he is right in so far his interpretation is concerned that it was a sort of domestic play which depicted an ordinary love affair as inferred from the passage in Plato where Eros and Flowers are mentioned in close connection. In his adaptation of th Epic Cycle's "Fall of Troy" the serious nature (σπουοαιον) of tragedy was mostly lost and the theme transformed into a light play. The music in his tragedies was given a far more important role and made independent from dramatic action by the use of embolima and chromatic scale, and in this way the stately adagio of the old tragedy was quickened into the lively scherzo. As a result, however, the serios character of Greek tragedy as a Dionysiac ritual faded away and tragedy itself began gradually to fall into decay. Agathon may be, as Waern suggested, labelled as a mere "Epigone" of Gorgias, but this may be less surprising, since he and his contemporaries necessarily came under the influence of the new, sophistic system of education. The vital problem Agathon had to face as a successor of Euripides, was not only to find new ways and means to compete successfully with his more eminent rivals, but to present his audience with the sophistic spirit of the age.

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The main point this paper is to discuss is "in what sense the Socratic method as described in the Phaedo 99-107 was the δευτερο&b.sigmav; πλου&b.sigmav". The writer, upon examining some other cases in which it appears, comes to the conclusion that this proverbial expression meant "the second best". The contents of what Socrates offered as the δευτερο&b.sigmav; πλου&b.sigmav; επι την τη&b.sigmav; αιτια&b.sigmav; ζητησιν are treated first, as a preliminary, with special reference to the λογο&b.sigmav; Λογο&b.sigmav; here means a proposition or a theory, as in other cases. Bluck's view that λογο&b.sigmav; here represents the Socratic "cause" (=definition) exclusive of the Platonic ειδο&b.sigmav; (as cause) is untenable. Λογο&b.sigmav; goes with the Idia throughout the Platonic dialogues, thus offering itselg as an essential element of his philosophic method. As to the various alleged difficulties in interpreting συμψωνια, only a brief comment is made; too much logic will not help in understanding the Platonic way of discussing this type of matter. Coming back to the main point, the writer attains the view that "Socrates " in the Phaedo really meant what he said when he called the way in question the δευτερο&b.sigmav; πλου&b.sigmav;, i.e. the second best. It was not because, this was the way of λογο&b.sigmav; (the Platonic philosophy would be shown as such throughout his writings), or the way of "formal" cause as against the teleological cause. It was solely because of his aspiration for a comprehensive theory of the world of such a character as Socrates had expected to find in Anaxagoras (in which a theory of the good was indispensable), that Plato here introduced his own method of hypothesis, of the soundness of which he had long been convinced, as the "second best".

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As a preliminary to an attempt of interpretation or reconstruction of Plato's later theory as a whole, the paper deals with the question of his reduction of geometrical magnitudes to their principles, i.e. numbers, centering on a passage of Aristotle where he criticizes the Platonists: (Met. A. 992a10-24). It is to be doubted whether lines, planes and solids, there referred to, were meant to constitute a series of formal principles, or whether they should be regarded as a series of material consitituents. And the same sort of doubt is carried over to the case of the indivisible line, which seems to have been substituted by Plato for the point so as to be a link between the magnitude and number; for the indivisible line can also be looked upon either as the formal principle or as the material. The question, which of the two was really the case, being left unsolved, it seems in either case certain that the indivisible line of Plato was only meant as an alternative to the Pythagorean construction of the line out of points, -a view still haunted by the Pythagorean ghost of "spatial numbers". Proceeding further to examine the various methods by which Plato would have constructed the line, the paper comes to the following observations: In Plato's intention of reducing geometrical magnitudes to numbers, there is to be perceived behind his unification of Ideal-number system a sort of insight analogically uniting these two sorts of entities; and here a certain confusion of the Ideal with the material on the part of Plato himself has to be pointed out.

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Aristotle, who established formal logic, is on the other hand said to have studied various categories of dialectical logic. This paper aims at an examination of the relation between the law of contradiction and the dialectical view of movement in Aristotle's philosophy. Ever since Parmenides maintained that being is and not-being is not, Greek philosophers in their study of nature had been seriously restrained by this apparently invincible logic. So is the case with the atomists, and so also with Aristotle himself. Indeed, in grasping the logic of movement by means of three principles, υποκειμενον, ειδο&b.sigmav; and στερησ&b.sigmav;, and, further, by means of the categories of development, δυναμι&b.sigmav; and ενεργεια, Aristotle endeavoured to make sure that such considerations were not inconsistent with, the law of contradiction and that of the excluded middle which he established in his πρωτη ψιλοσοψια, i.e. the science to treat being qua being. This implies that his fundamental conviction was that there is no contradiction, in things themselves, which are. While Aristotle approached thus, in his original way, a position to make an inquiry into the logic of movement by means of his dialectical categories, he was not able to grasp the inner contradiction, i.e. the one that lies within the thing itself, so constrained by Parmenides' logic. Thus it was that he came to view movements thing simply as repetitions, and to assume causa emciens outside the moving itself, to be forced finally into his meta-physics which crowned his whole system with the assumption of a god- that eternal and self identical entity.

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The aim of this paper is to clarify as far as possible some important terms of. St. Augustine related to the structure of the human mind, and to show how to render them into Japanese. Starting with an analysis of his fundamental position as expressed in De libero arbitrio 1. II c. iii, n. 7ff., where esse, vivere and nosse (scire) are distinguished, the paper goes on to examine in turn the uses of each of the terms concerned such as: (1) anima, (2) animus, (3) spiritus, (4) mens, (5) ratio, intelligentia and intellectus, and comes finally to attempt an arrangement of the faculties of the human mind in a sort of hierarchical order, -a construction which, though appearing at first sight to be inconsistent in his writings produced at various stages of his life, must nevertheless be there, beneath the appearance of such ambiguity and even of confusion in his terminology.

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