The korete of the Linear B documents was, according to Furumark and Ventris-Chadwick, "Dorfschulze" or "mayor" and the porokorete was his subordinate official. This interpretation was rejected by Ruiperez, who takes the korete for a military official, partly on the linguistic ground that the term korete was derived from the Indo-European koros and was synonymous with κοιρανοζ in Homer. Although it is taken for granted by some scholars that the korete was a military official, it is worth while reexamining the nature of the documents and the contexts in which the korete and the porokorete occur. In Ruiperez's view, kurumeno, who was the leader of a regiment (oka) in An 654, 1, and korete of iterewa in Sn 64, 5, is decisive evidence in support of his theory. Kurumeno, however, was at the same time a "moropa" (Sn 64, 5), so we do not know exactly by what qualification he was leader of an oka. Furthermore, the fact that neither korete nor porokorete occurs in the so-called "military tablets" gives rise to misgivings as to his theory. So far as we can judge from the documents, the korete and the porokorete had nothing to do with military activities, being local officials responsible for tributes. In the documents we find the korete and the porokorete as different from the basileis whose names are known, simply by their title and place of appointment. Another significant fact about korete is that at sixteen places of the Pylian kingdom and at one place in Creta, each korete had a porokorete as his subordinate. The present writer is inclined to take korete for a local official appointed by the central government, and who was generally basileus (most probably a local chief) in his "village".

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In Japanse mythology, Susanowo-no Mikoto is the god of the sea, of the nether world and of "the universal destruction. In these characters, he is almost identical to the Greek Poseidon. And by comparing the myths of the two gods, we can prove that he is even a Horse God like Poseidon. Thus a comparison of the two gods is very instructive, and affords much help in elucidating the obscure points of their myths. For example, the myth of the dispute over Attica between Athena and Poseidon is compared to that over heaven between Amaterasu-Omikami (goddess of the sun, and of the cereal) and her brother Susanowo. In the Japanese myth, this is not a mere dispute, but an invasion of heaven, the domain of the sun- goddess, by the destructive Susanowo. So, the original form of the Athenian myth must have been the invasion of Attica, the domain of Athena, by the destructive Poseidon. In the same way, the controversy of Poseidon with the sun about Corinth, and that with Hera about Argos (Paus. II 1 & 22), must have been originally the invasion of the Sea God, the Flood God in Argos, of these respective lands. The Japanese myth tells also that Amaterasu-Omikami, the sun-goddess, to conciliate the invader, afterwards accepted his proposal to bear children with him, and that by both standing face to face on the opposite side of the celestial river, the god and goddess respectively gave birth to many children (Perhaps the original form of the Athenian myth was that Athena, accepting a similar proposal of Poseidon, gave birth to the olive, and he to Thalassa. But this original form was rationalized afterwards.). Evidently, the prudery and the respect surrounding Imperial Household have here obscured the myth. But the comparison with the myth of Demeter and Poseidon in Arcadia (Paus. VIII 25 & 42) demonstrates beyond doubt that there was in fact a violation of Amaterasu-Omikami by Susanowo. And what is important is that Susanowo threw the skin of a horse into the weaving house of the goddess, breaking the roof, so that the goddess, surprised, wounded her sex with the shuttle, and, furious, hid herself in the dark cave (that is to say, she died). Consequently the whole world was invaded by dark and famine. Here also are much obscuring and distortion of the original form of the myth, due to the prudery and the respect for the deity. But here also the comparison with the Greek myth is very instructive, and attests that Susanowo was a horse (in reality a priest wearing the skin of a horse), when he had violated the goddess, and thus caused her death. (The tradition of Onkeon assures us that Demeter herself was then in the form of a mare, which must be a rationalized interpretation of later age. Primitively, all Hieros Gamos were performances by a human goddess and an animal god.) Thus, that Susanowo was also a Horse God is beyond doubt, and we also find the true meaning of Demeter's going in the cave (death) and a very clear suggestion of the cause of her death. In any case, we can thus, by this comparative method, establish the existence of the rite of Hieros Gamos performed by a 'human goddess with a Horse God in Greece and in Japan ; this rite constituting the first part of a double Hieros Gamos which represents and celebrates the death and the revival of the solar and cereal goddess. And although the Arcadian myth had only conserved the first part of this double Hieros Gamos, its complete development is clearly visible in the mysteries of Eleusis and in the Japanese myth of Amaterasu. (She is resuscitated by a Hieros Gamos of the goddess Ameno-Uzume with the god Sarudahiko, as Demeter was by that of Baubo with Iakkhos. ) But these myths, both Greek and Japanese, represent not only the Hieros Gamos rite of the revival of spring. They contain or conceal also some corresponding historical facts of the same nature on both sides. That is to say, I believe, one can find in

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The Oidipous myth as known to Aischylos and Sophokles shows a definite type of the so-called Year-Daimon myth. That Oidipous was originally a daimon around whom there had once grown a cult at Skarphe, a village on the northern slope of Kithairon, is well attested. An inscription on the tomb stone represented on a red-figured amphora from Basilicata shows him as a chthonian spirit of vegetation. The choros of Oed. Tyr. (1086-1109) sings of a festival and a divine being, who is found in the mountain and brought to the village. From similar customs in many parts of the world, we may say that this being must have been a manifestation of the Year God. Oidipous' own song just before the above choros (1080-1085), also seems to suggest his divine origin. Assigning him the character of Year-God, we may be able to explain, I think, some of the obscurities in the Oidipous-legend.

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The recent archaeological excavations have established beyond doubt that in the latter half of the second millenium B. C. an active trade was being carried on between Greece and the Near East. Hence it is possible to surmise that the Greek myths in their earlier stages of development came more or less under the influence of Near Eastern poetry current at that time. In this connection the writer tries to show that the myth of Heracles' αθλοι goes back into the Mycenaean age and that its many features can be better understood in the light of Ancient Near Eastern literature, especially the epic of Gilgamesh. It is worth noticing that on many cylinder impressions found in the Near East the tree of life was depicted side by side with sheep. As there seems to be a close connection between the two, it cannot have been a mere coincidence that in other versions of the story the apples of the Hesperides were replaced by sheep. A parallel may be found in the adventure of the Argonauts, where it is said that a sheep's skin was hanging from a tree, guarded by a monster. It follows, then, that the original home of the Greek tree of life is more likely to be found in the Near East than in Creta. On the other hand it is generally accepted that the natural and logical end of the. aOAoc was the conquest of death and the attainment of immortality, which is said to have been mentioned in the last two or three adventures of the αθλοι. The writer has, however, shown that such a belief is incompatible with the oldest references to the hero's death in Homer and that his last three adventures cannot originally have ended with the attainment of immortality. Strong support for this view will be found in the adventure of Theseus, where it is told that the hero descended into the nether world to fetch Persephone, but failed. As the story is said to have been modeled on the αθλοι, it follows that the latter ended likewise in failure. Furthermore, in the existing version, the cattle were lost on the way back and the apples and the Cerberus were returned later to their places (cf. Apollod., II 5). This shows only too clearly that in an earlier version of the αθλοι the hero's quest of immortality failed like that of Gilgamesh. Again if one understands the a82oc as heroic saga, there arises another difficulty. As 'Heracles' is a typical name for a hero (Ηρα+κλεοζ), it is natural that he should try to win honour, fighting with wild beasts and monsters. In the last three adventures, however, he forgets about honour and tries, instead, to win immortality for himself. This seems not to conform to the general concept of a hero, who lives only for honour and risks even his own life to win it. The difficulty, however,. will be better understood, when compared with the epic of Gilgamesh. Here at the death of his friend Enkidu the hero forgets about his own honour and wanders in search of the secret of eternal life. From this it would be possible to infer that the sudden change in Heracles resulted from the death of his own children. These and other observations have led the writer to the conclusion that many parallels between the αθλοι and the epic of Gilgamesh can hardly have been accidental, and that the significance of the whole myth lies in its telling of a hero, who having won a name, sought immortality for the same reason as of Gilgamesh and who found, after many hardships, nothing but failures. And his tragic death upon mount Oeta, which later became associated with his immortality, seems to have originally symbolized the 'nemesis' of the gods, inflicted on a mortal who tried to be like one of them.

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Among the Analytic school of Homeric interpretation it is commonly told that the last book of the Iliad is one of those "late parts" or a later addition to the "original poem", the auguments resting mainly on linguistic and stylistic evidence. This paper tries to re-examine this traditional view. The main points of discussion : 1. the neologism or the linguistic innovation in 9 compared with other parts of the Iliad; 2. the supposed similarities in diction and vocabulary between it and the Odyssey. The conclusions : Linguistically late or new aspects of Ω do not necessarily suggest different authorship, because of the peculiarity of Homeric poetry, language of which is conditioned by the traditional oral-technique. The linguistic innovation is mainly caused by the deviation from formulaic expressions ; rare "late-" forms in the. Iliad chiefly occur, as G. P. Shipp remarks, in similes and in speeches. It is closely related to the innovation in subject matter or expressions. Thus the linguistic difference may depend more upon the difference of subject situation rather than upon different authorship. Too much emphasis, the writer thinks, has been placed upon the Odyssean similarities. Concerning the verbal echoes from the Odyssey, statistics show that the case of Ω is not so outstanding. Also there is no recognizable difference between Α and Ω concerning the Odyssean phrases, formulae or repetitions. Lastly, no reasonable criterion can be found to separate from the rest of the Iliad. Indeed Ω may be regarded as late or new either in language or in subject matter however, its "lateness" must be interpreted in terms other than those investigated above.

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This article studies the meaning of the word 'ideal' in the ideal state, the word, being divided into higher and lower classes in accordance with the analogy of State and Individual. In one sense the ideal state is not meant to be of ideal individuals as Foster suggested, nor merely is it a society, in Conford's sense, of individuals as they are. The aim of this article is to show that it is an ideal organization established by ideal educational principles of individuals as they are. It is worth noticing that in the Rep. IV 443C-444A the justice meant in the so-called analogy of the state and the individual is described as ειοωλον τι τη&b.sigmav; δικαιοσυνηζ. True justice is not a matter of external behaviour, but of inner self. Even the member of the third class (the lowest class) can gain the mastery over himself and set the three principles harmonise within him, although he has nothing but appetite and lacks reason and θυμοζ. Here is certainly a gap. To fill the gap the writer tries to interpret the structure of the Rep. as follows : The philosopher-kings must go down, each in his turn, to live witn the rest of the people, and try to set them free and lead them upward (λυειν τε και αναγειν) to the light the essential Form of Good. (519D, 520CD). The simile of the Cave represents a picture of our nature at large in respect of education and ignorance. It does not mean that only the philosopher-kings can have the education. An ideal system of education produces men of good nature. (423E ff.). Therefore, even a member of the third class with a limited or feeble φυσι&b.sigmav; is allowed to receive the education and can, although it is difficult, contemplate the Good. And so he need not despair of contemplating the Good. A lesson is to be learnt from the myth of Er. There the Interpreter says : 'Even for the last comer, if he choose with discretion, there is left in store a life with which, if he will live strenuously, he may be content and not unhappy (619B)'. Thus the above-mentioned gap is filled by the one ideal education for all three classes. Plato's eyes are turned upon the inward State, and the ideal state nowhere exists on earth, but as a pattern set up in the heavens for one who desires to see it and, seeing it, to establish one in himself, thus having an effect on the intellectual, moral and political progress of mankind. and interest in politics seem to have induced him to devote a good deal of space to describe contemporary history. Androtion was as critical of radical democracy as his teacher, Isocrates; as for foreign policy he sought means to save Hellas in the war against Persia, while in home affairs he tried to reorganize Athens, being faithful to the spirit of the 'ancestral constitution', or Solon's constitution. This being his political standpoint, he put forward several unorthodox interpretation. On some historical events, interpretation which Aristotle had tacitly to reject. One of the most obvious examples is his account of Solon's Seisachtheia. He denied the traditional democratic opinion that Solon cancelled all debts through the Seisachtheia, and regarded it as a consequent upon the alteration of the coinage and reduction of the rate of interest. Considering his political attitude, it is quite natural for Androtion to minimize the radical character of the Seisachtheia. Such a historical attitude may be said to be in conformity with the moderate political idea of the Theramenean group, and at the same time, probably, it complies with Isocratean historical spirit.

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Furcht and Mitleid ? (1955) by W. Schadewaldt and its review of the same title (1956) by M. Pohlenz in ' Hermes ' make us realize the fact that we have not yet completely done with the well-known definition of 'tragedy' in they 6th chapter of Aristotle's Poetics, and we need to reconsider Lessing, who is one of the most important scholars in the history of the interpretation of the definition. The present writer intends to make an outline of Lessing's Hamburgische Dramaturgie (St. 73/83), together with its historical background. And to conclude, Lessing's interpretation of Aristotle is not so much the product of a philologist as that of a critic. His interpretation must be considered from various viewpoints : his view of the world, man and art as being of the German Enlightenment, his critical method, his hostility towards French classicism (Corneille) as well as his mistrust of the younger generation(the so-called Sturmer und Dranger), not to mention the low level of classical studies of his age. If, therefore, his interpretation of Aristotle has been a bad authority for later critics, it would be entirely owing to the fact of their having neglected the above-mentioned circumstances. It would also be unjust, if anyone today should accuse him too vehemently of various errors in his interpretation.

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