Educational reforms generally entail great expense. Even if excellent plans for reforming the educational system have worked out, they only remain good on paper without financial resources ensured. Therefore, ideal educational reforms imply increase in budget for education. In actual situation in Japan, however, both the central and local governments are barely maintaining the current level of educational expenditure. As the share of personnel expenses are swelling, educational authorities are having more difficulty in initiating new activities or programs in their limited revenues. Under this stringency, there are only two feasible strategies in mobilizing financial resources to the educational reforms. One of them is privatization. Measures to be considered include to reduce the scope of public responsibility by enlisting the support of the private sector in as many educational activities as possible, and to increase revenues from non-governmental sources by relying on alumni and private corporations for more donations and charging students more fees. Then the total resources to be devoted to education will increase in the national economy. As desirable side-effects, in addition, this expedient might possibly satisfy the diversified demands, which the public sector alone can hardly afford to meet, or stimulate the public sector to manage its educational enterprises so efficiently as to compete with its private counterparts. The other strategy is drastic reallocation of public outlay within the field of education. If the educational authorities save some fund by cutting down their current educational activities and programs and by rationalizing the management, they will be able to divert that fund into urgent issues of the reform. Such 'scrap and build' reallocation scheme would fall through during the period when the national treasury is abundant, because people in office would not pass over their vested right. On the other hand, the fact that the government is facing with financial contraction is likely to weaken their resistance. In this sense, the government at present has a golden opportunity not to be missed for restructuring educational finance. By contrast with usual 'incremental ad hoc approach', the two strategies, as mentioned above, have some advantages but, at the same time, either of them might come to grips with egalitarianism which is another most important goal to educational finance. Therefore, educational authorities should keep checking on excessive privatization or unreasonable reallocation of public resources. The educational authorities tend to regard it as a remedy for the situation to readjust educational finance in both terms of revenue and expenditure, but they should be more ambitious of having the readjustment leading to improvement in educational system. Conventional researches focused on financial aspect such as analyses of financial state or estimates of school-age population do not necessarily supply a sufficient answer to the question. It is essential that specialists in educational finance keep closer interaction with those in educational programs and school management, in order to make fruitful researches, taking into consideration pedagogical aspects as well as economic aspects of educational finance.

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In this paper we have examined Estelle James and Gail Benjamin, Educational Distribution and Income Redistribution through Education in Japan, The Journal of Human Resources, Vol.22, No.4(1987). James and Benjamin have calculated the distribution of enrolments and taxes by lifitime income within a cohort to draw inferences about redistribution through education in Japan. Their paper draw heavily on my data presented in Kikuchi(1978). They have devised an adjustment that abstracts from the intergenerational transfer in order to focus on the transfer within a given cohort. They believed that this eliminates intergenerational effects and yields very different results from those based on current income relative to the entire population, greatly reducing the apparent income bias. Since my original data on the tax shares had already been adjusted for the selected age groups with the original cutting-off points of the income quintile groups constant, their tax shares by lifetime cohort quintiles are not appropriate. As a result, their conclusion on the case of Japanese higher education is doubtful. In this paper we have recalculated the same kind of data according to the method as described in their paper. We have also devised an alternative index of the educational benefit/tax burden, combining higher education selectivity ratios and tax burden ratios. There is no majar difference on the changing direction between the results of the differnt methods of calculations for 1976-1987. It cannot be denied that private universities have become more income biased; hence subsidies to private institutions have become less income redistributive than those to the national and public sector. While some skewing of enrolment toward the upper classes in Japanese national and public universities remains, progressive taxes imply that government spending has been redistributing real income from rich to poor to a limited extent, with the middle class receiving a relatively small net benefit.

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Up to the present, cost and effort in education has been slighted because education has the noble mission of developing human resources for the future. However, because education is a costly enterprise and these costs can be paid to realize other goals, it is vital to take into account the cost-effective use of resources. Although educational reform targeted at qualitative improvement is indicated, substantial new investment in education is not to be expected because the economy has reached a plateau. The issue today is how to effectively utilize limited resources. Cost-effectiveness analysis is a method which analyzes the relationship of cost and effect by comparing necessary costs and effects according to the educational policies chosen across the range of policy alternatives. Cost-effectiveness analysis can make suggestions appropriate to informing public policies designed for effective resource distribution. Now it is important to amass concrete cases of the use of cost-effectiveness analysis in various aspects of education. It goes without saying that the question of what educational policy should be adopted can't be decided by cost-effectiveness analysis alone, but must be decided by comprehensively taking into account factors such as educational goals, resource possibilities, and levels of teacher training, etc.. It is necessary to comprehensively take into account all effects. Given multiple effects, in some areas there is a cost-effective aspect, whereas in other areas there is none. In this event, research which can fully and comprehensively use the information by differentially weighing effects is called for. In addition to cost-effectiveness analysis across the entire society, detailed analysis such as analysis by class is necessary.

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American education reform movements in the 1980s have been conducted by states. With respect to finance, states have been obliged to take the initiative because the federal government did not provide any subsidies in the early 80s despite issuing the report "A Nation at Risk" which called for reform, and because the revenue from local property taxes for school districts has declined. Characteristics of the states' mandated reforms are summarized as follows. First, states have strongly regulated the school activities controlled by local school boards by standardizing and raising the quality of instruction, teacher's qualification and so on. The growing regulation by states stands in sharp contrast to the traditional principle of local control of education. Thus, this policy has produced the problem of increasing state regulation and decreasing local discretion. Secondly, the reform movements have been prompted and encouraged mainly by the government authorities such as legislatures and governors, not by educators. The main reasons why government authorities have become involved in education reform movements are attributed to two factors. One is related to school financing reform movementns of 1970s. The movements entailed political and financial issues which educators were unable to handle. The other is related to the economy. Winning economic competition in the world is a driving force for the education reform movements of 1980s. The main determinant for education reform movements of 1950s was winning the military competition with Soviet Russia. Everytime the United States faces the national crisis, education reforms are called for. "The Sputnik of the 1980s" is economic competition with other nations. With this involvement of general government authorities, the power structure within states regarding educational matters may also change. The huge deficit of finance at the federal government may be a cause of restraint of federal spending for education reform movements. But more than that, the new federalism, taken by Reagan Administration which was composed of cutback of federal budget, curtailment of subsidies and deregulation of federal control is a cause of lack of federal subsidies for reform movements. The Education Consolidation and Improvement Act of 1981 has accelerated this trend. However, the federal government began to support reform movements through enactment of the Education for Economic Security Act of 1984, the bill of the School Improvement Act and the trade bill after mid-80s. And there is economic concern behind the turnaround.

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Public spending on the education service is a singificant proportion of all national economic activity. In 1985/86 spending on education and science in the UK represented some 10.8 per cent of all public spending, which is just under 5 per cent of Gross Domestic Product. This proportion has fallen in recent years, while school pupil numbers has also declined. The recent attempts by the government to reduce public spending have concentrated on local authority services. Both rating system and central grants have been increasingly criticized. This is because successive governments have cut the level of grant support. Block grant, which was introduced in 1981/82, offered central government greater scope to influence local authorities. The split of expenditure by sector of education reveals a fairly constant pattern. Expenditure on school stayed at over 60 per cent. Expenditure on the universities and further and higher education accounted for about over 30 per cent. The distribution of local recurrent expenditure on education remained about 35 per cent and that of the capital one about 15 per cent, which were stable for these years. Spending on teachers and lectures salaries among the recurrent expenditure accounted for the largest share, about 65 per cent, followed by that on premises at 10 per cent. Taking North Yorkshire Authority as an example, recurrent expenditure on education amounted just less than 60 per cent of the total, and the capital one was 25 per cent in 1982/83, which has expected to fall there. Spending on secondary education was at some 35 per cent, the largest share and that on primary education between 20 and 25 per cent, the second share, and that on further education less than 20 per cent. Teachers' salaries proportion in primary education accounted at more than 70 per cent of the total. The financing of advanced further education was shifted from the individual LEAs and a system of pooling expenditure to a National Advisory Body for Local Higher Education. Three-quarters of the total recurrent income of universities in GB was general recurrent income, of which 75 per cent was Exchequer grants, and one-quarter was earned in the form of research grants and contacts and from services rendered. Continuing reform for greater central control has been carrying out during the '80s and would need to consider questions of the finance and structure of local government.

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Written from a macro-economic point of view, this study describes structures and trends in educational finance in France under the recent policy of decentralization. Because of the characteristics of the French budgetary system-'interventionnisme' into non-governmental sectors, according to R. Muzellec-and of France's statistical trends since the introduction of the new SNA in 1976, educational finance is here treated as a satellite account of the overall national accounts. Seen from the point of view of the final financers (those bearing the final cost), national educational expenditure for 1984 is broken down as follows; state (central government) 67%, local public authorities 17%, private enterprises 5%, and households 11%. The ratios of national educational expenditure to GDP during the latest decade for which statistics are available, 1974 to 1984, show that those during the Conservative Giscard d' Estaing's septenary (1974-81) are much lower than those during the Socialist Mitterrand's septenary (1981- ): 6.5-6.7% for the former compared to 6.8-7.1% for the latter. This financial data bears out the lack of success of the Haby Reform in Primary and secondary education from 1977 to 1981. Regarding the calculation of national educational expenditure, while costs borne by the state were easily obtained, those borne by local authorities, private enterprises and households were quite difficult to calculate, and we owe the figures to some French economists such as IREDU scientists, Odile Carrere, George Cazenave, Serge Peano, Sylvaine Pean, etc. Some new trends in French educational finance were found in the 1980s under the Mitterrand government. Firstly, owing to the two laws of 1982 and 1983 concerning decentralization, the proportion taken by each public financing body-the state, the region, the departement and the commune-has changed. Secondly, against the background of educational policy being declared a priority by the Rocard cabinet of the 2nd Mitterrand government, a very large amount of the state budget has been earmarked for the coming Jospin Reform, which aims at making 80 percent of the age population baccalaureates as well as at a broad improvement in teachers' salaries. It is true that a significant number of communes, which generally bear on their own accounts many supplementary expenses for every big national program, are suffering financial difficulties, but the socialists' policies of decentralization and educational reforms aimed at the 21st century are likely to continue hereafter.

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This paper aims at clarifying the trends and problems of educational finance in West Cermany of the 1970s. I Trends of educational finance in the 1970s Schools and universities demand increased expenditure in the education sector. In West Cermany, the share of public expenditure on education in the GNP during the 1970s was kept at around 5%. And the proportion of total public expenditure on education to total public expenditure was kept at 14〜15% in the 70's. The level of this proportion is not low in contrast to other countries. The average rate of annual increase in public educational expenditure during the first half of the 1970s was about 20%, whereas the second half was about 6%. As to school education expenditure and expenditure for each educational field, first, school education expenditure accounts for the greater part of educational expenditure in each fiscal year, secondly the proportion of expenditure for primary and secondary field ranks the highest, followed by higher education field. Comparison of the distribution of school education expenditure by the share borne by federal and local governments (states, municipalities) tells us that local governments play an important role in educational finance, that is to say, the proportion of the share borne by local governments reaches to nearly 100% (states; 68-77%, municipalities; 23-32%), on the other hand, federal government bears only 0.1〜0.3%. II Some problems of educational finance in the 1970s (1) It is said that an economic crisis is an educational one in these days. Reform and expansion of the educational system requires extraordinary increase in public expenditure. One of the most difficult problems is how to assure financial resources for education under depression days. (2) West Germany as whole is organized in the form of the Federation, 11 states and about 22,000 communes. Each of these regional bodies is assigned specific tasks. The question boils down to this-how to pormote the coordination between federal governmental educational policy and local governments one. (3) School education expenditure per capita among 11 states in the 1970s varies very considerably. For example, school education expenditure per capita in Bremen is about 2.3 times that in Saarland in 1975. Therefore, how to diminish difference in school education expenditure among 11 states is a very important porblem. (4) Finance of federal government is obviously superior to that of local government, especially educational finance of municipalities is conspicuously inferior to that of federal government and states. Each level must be enabled to bear the financial expenditure involved in the tasks assigned to it. Drastic reform of the financial equalizational system schould be executed as soon as possible. (5) A very important aspect of educational finance is the question of teacher salary. In the latter half of 1970s, the level of teacher salary didn't become to improve better than before. In addition, the unemployment problems of teacher became more critical in the 70's.

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This paper aims to clarify the characteristics of educational finances in Republic of Korea from the four points; directions, historical development, present situations and future tasks. (1) Korea's liberation from Japanese colonial rule in August 1945 provided a new starting point for democratic education in Korea. After Korean Government had been established in 1948, "Constitution" was enacted. In this, "right to equal education" and "free compulsory education" were stated. These articles presented directions of educational finances in Republic of Korea. In parallel with these directions, "Education Law" was enacted and plomulgated in 1949. This law stated not only philosophies and school system but also educational administration and finances system. (2) The bulk of educational finances is appropriated by central government out of General Account. Because of the inadequacy of general budjet appropriations to meet the total cost of national education, "School Tax" was created as a special-objected tax for a period of five years begining in 1982. The period has been extended for five more years. (3) According to "Education Law" and "Law of Government Grant for Local Education Finances" in 1971 (revised in 1982), the local education finances are appropiated by; 1) incomes from the special levies on local autonomous organizations' properties for education, 2) incomes from the rental fees o fgovernments' properties, 3) incomes from general finances of local autonomous organisations, and 4) central government grants for local education finances. The most important income for local education finances comes from the central government grants. (4) Educational finances in Republic of Korea are facing some important tasks and problems to be solved; 1) how to ensure the financial resources for education, 2) how to equalize the educational opportunities in local autonomous organizations, and 3) how to promote the automomies and initiatives of local education authorities, etc.

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In the local finance, according to annual data, the Educational cost has occupied a high ratio and been especially an important position. In spite of that, in Japan the research for educational finance has traditionally laid stress on the analysis of the financial institution or that of the present financial condition. The modern local public finance is demanded to build in such a logical compatibility as scientific system of the public policy by the local government. Therefore the local educational finance is not deviate from this situation, either. In this research, with a view to solve such a problem, I have developed the econometric model of the national treasury disbursements for education (NTD). It is composed of seven enviromental variables, seven instrumental ones, twelve behavioral equations and six definitive ones. The procedure of the operation is as follows. To begin with, I classified the NTD into six types. They are i) the national treasury charge for educational facilities (FNTC), ii) the national treasury charge to encourage the entrance into a school (ENTC), iii) the national treasury charge for educational promotion (PNTC), iv) the national treasury subsidies for educational facilities (IETS), v) the national treasury subsides to encourage the entrance into a school (ERTS), and vi) the national treasury subsidies to promote the educational activities (EPTS). Then being based on the annual data concerning the national settlement of accounts from 1966 to 1985, I estimated the parameters of the equations that were representative of these six types by means of the multiple regression analysis. As the final procedure, by estimating the variables, the analysis through the simulation making use of the econometric model was performed on the period from 1986 until 1993. The result of the simulation indicated that the total amount of the NTD was expected to decrease year by year. The treasury subsidies or charge can be practically understood to be "the invisible cost" paying for "the visible benefit". There is much possibility for them to paralyze the consciousness of the public for the cost and stimulus the expansion of local educational expenses. In conclusion we'd like to reconsider the NTD for education at this decrease period.

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"Bonn Agreement", negotiated at the conference of all state ministers of education in West-Germany, changed the purposes of the gymnasiale Oberstufe(GO), and revised its curricula. Before this Agreement, the GO was mainly the institution of the preparation for university studies and its curricula were fixed for this purpose. However, "Bonn Agreement" prescribed the purposes of the GO as the preparation not only for university studies but also vocations, and changed the curricula suited to these two purposes. However, the Agreement caused new problems about the articulation between the GO and the universities. The purpose of this paper is to clarify the change of the principles of the GO by the "Bonn Agreement", and the related problems. In 1960s there were crucial problems about the GO: the articulation with the university sutdies and the vocational relationship, the qualification to the universities; the qualification to be permitted to enter all faculties or the qualification to be permitted to enter limited faculties, the necessary contents to finish the GO and to enter universities and introductions of vocational subjects. To solve these problems, two different plans were proposed by the Educational Council (Bildungsrat) in 1969 and 1970 and the West-Germany President Conference (Westdeutsche-Rektorenkonferenz) in 1969. The Educational Council proposed the entrance qualification to the limited faculties and the curricula, widely based on the interests of students, which had less necessary contents. On the other hand the west-Germany President Conference proposed the entrance qualification to all faculties and the curricula, which still had many contents. "Bonn Agreement" prescribed the purpose of the GO as the institution of the preparation for universities and the vocational relationship and vocational subjects were introduced to the GO. However the Agreement did not strictly determined the necessary contents to finish the GO and to enter universities. The necessary contents were different among the states. Moreover the Agreement kept the entrance qualification to all faculties and the distribution of students to each faculty did not work well. To solve these new problems, it is necessary to link necessary contents in the GO with university studies.

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I have been conducting several researches on the teacher education in China, especially my focus has been on comparison between the system in China and that in Japan. Through these researches, I have come to believe that the important task for present China is to enhance the teachers in quality and quantity. China established its teacher training system in 1902, setting the Japanese normal schools as its model system. Postwar Japan has changed the teacher education system from 'closed structure' to 'open structure'. Present China, however, still maintains the normal school system which is based on the national grants to the students in the teacher training institutions and on the compulsive obligation of the graduates to become teacher. Moreover, since the nine-year compulsory education was fully enforced in 1986, China has faced serious teacher shortage. Why have these two countries taken different steps in their modernization processes? I have examined the characteristics of the systems both in China and Japan through a comparative study of their history and present conditions. This study will be one of the suggestive materials in planning and implementing teacher education reforms in these two countries.

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The primary aim of this study is to analyze the school management system initiated in modern China. In 1985 the Chinese Communist Party (abbreviated as CCP) issued a promulgation regarding "The Decision about the Reformation of Educational System", in which CCP gave the schools the directions to stick to "The Decision" and urged them to get "The System of Responsibility Shouldered by the Principal" (abbreviated as SRP) well established. In this study, the author, focusing upon SRP, analyzed the materialization of the system, the subject matter of the system and the enforcement level of the system. This paper comes under the following main chapters with sections. I. Socialistic Thought on School Management Theory and Conversion to the New System 1. The Materialization of SRP 2. The System of SRP II. The Structure of SRP and its Problems. 1. The Principal's Authority over School Management and his/her Function. 2. The Capability and Managership Expected from School Managers The author insists that this SRP was an application of "The System of Responsibility Shouldered by the Head" as an effective method of supporting the open policy of the Chinese national measures. In this case, the suppressive control by CCP as a concrete policy and the rationalization of school organization will lead to various causes impedimental to its proper development, such as hollowness of principal's authority, lack of his/her capability and managership, and control by upper educational organization. The author firmly believes that SRP will heighten its increasing value, in process of the conquest of these and other defects, as a unique system of socialistic school management proper to China.

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Nowadays we have many problems about school education. They are: increase of problem behaviors and its variousness among students,: teachers' critical forecasting about student guidance,: stream of increasing required subjects for teaching due to the amendment of teacher certification law. Therein we have establishment which should be investigated, i.e. how should pre-service education and in-service education for student guidance be. On this view we argue on the following three subjects. 1. To make clear what opinions and demand would be found out about pre-service education and in-service education concerning the student guidance. 2. To analyze and consider the existing circumstances of pre-service education and consciousness of each university faculty who is in charge of proving pre-service education concerning student guidance. 3. According to those results, to research how we can improve pre-service education concerning student guidance. To approach these problems we also carried out a study about consciousness of university and college faculties who hold the chair of "Principles of Education" in public or private universities or colleges all over Japan. As a result, we found out as follows. For the demand from the spot of school to fill up pre-service education concerning student guidance, the university faculty don't object to it generally, at least on their conciousness. But as for the way to improve pre-service education, they also think it is better to fulfill the standard of present teacher's certificates and at the same time to make university authorities recognize those subjects. At this point, the university faculty seem to have the recognition that there are some limits in university to teach the practical educational technique which is the needs of schools. Nevertheless, it is certain that to evade improvement of contents of the curriculum concerning student guidance is impossible. Therefore as one way to fulfill educational contents, it might become the point to reach an agreement among university faculty, i.e. how and even what level they can (or make an effort to) educate students in university about the practical leadership concerning guidance.

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Any previous papers have hardly described teacher personnel administrators (KANRI-SHUJI)' specialized abilities, though such abilities are required. To investigate the abilities, we sent the nationwide survey questionnaire to all teacher personnel administrators in the prefectural board of education, from January to February in 1989. And 453 of them answered us. The results of this study are as follows: (1) By the factor analysis of them, we found 4 factors of teacher personnel administrators' specialized abilities, namely, "coordinating abilities of human relations", "grasping abilities of actual school conditions", "memory", and "human connection". (2) The administrators in the branch offices had higher abilities than the ones in the central office. (3) The administrators whose former positions had been principals or vice-principals had higher "coordinating abilities of human relations" and "human connection" than the ones who had been teachers or supervisors. (4) The longer their tenure of office was, the higher abilities they had. But above four years, their abilities decreased. (5) The administrators in the prefectures where the central office had the initiative of personnel administration had higher abilities than the others. (6) The higher the ratio of personnel change of teachers was, the higher abilities the administrators had. The abilities coincide not a little with teachers' administrative ones that other preceding studies made clear. Accordingly, it is proper to conclude that the abilities were developed through their experinces and inservice training and acquired still more during their tenure of office.

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