In Japan, there has been a gradual movement towards decentralization, deregulation, and privatization of educational administration during the past twenty years. However, the most important educational reform nowadays is not fine tuning of these areas, but more radical and drastic re- form. This paper aims at elucidating institutional conceptions of various new educational administration systems at the local level. After the 1980s "civic publicness" was conceptualized because of the repeated failure of government and the market. Many researchers and administrators began to pay attention to the civic sector as a third sector. In this third sector, many people hope to construct a cooperative service supply system. This new educational publicness should not be imposed by the state but deliberately by citizens with an emphasis on equity and openness. In order to control and manage this system, proposals emerged regarding a more effective educational governance system, yet few researchers in Japan have considered educational governance, with almost all of the studies in this area not being able to explain governance in relation to this new publicness. Though educational governance contains various kinds of concepts, we need to pay special attention to governance as a network. It is important to solve problems involving various stake-holders, for example, those from business, NPOs, NGOs, citizens, community members, and local governments, who have an interest in education and/or society. A substantial function of educational administration is to contribute to the formation of common social values, and educational administration has to provide conditions to form these values. In addition to developing such values by maintaining and ameliorating educational stake-holder's networks, educational administration has to take into account that it could plunge into a self-complacent professionalism or bureaucracy.

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Governance reform is now a controversial issue in many fields, and with this concern transformation from a traditional to a new type of governance is urged. While the traditional type of governance emphasizes the role of government in steering society, the new one requires the roles not only of government but also of many participants from the private sector, such as for-profit organizations, non-profit organizations, and citizens themselves at the local level. In the field of education, we can find a similar trend. It is still important to re-examine the relation between the central government and local governments, or between educational administration and general administration. However, along with the controversies over these governmental issues, new models of governance have been proposed. These include the choice-market and local partnership models. Even in these new models which emphasize the role of the market or a partnership of the public and the private sectors, however, there exists a need for some governmental mechanism for guaranteeing the quality of educational service, as long as we cannot fully trust the self-adjustment functions of the market or of partnership. A proclaimed policy means is to convert governmental regulation from an input-process level to an output level. While deregulation at the input-process level would enable more private actors to participate in providing public services and to compete with each other more freely, regulation at the output level would guarantee the quality of public services by an assessment of their performance. In the United States of America and England, in addition to severe assessment at the output level, common standards at the national or state levels are set up with the viewpoint of securing national unity or of raising the economic competitive power of the state, as well as of guaranteeing equal educational opportunity to all children. Under this standards/assessment regime, the free activities of many different actors might change into a rather uniform competition aiming toward the same results. Some people have proposed the formation of many different identities through the market mechanism, while others have put forth the creation of a new public sphere through the partnership of many different actors. These proposals are fascinating, but they have ambivalent aspects, as well. On the one hand, these ideas will probably be strongly regulated by the control of standards/assessment by administration. On the other hand, if they are fully realized, they would likely undermine the present principles of public education, such as equality or commonality, thus demanding a restructuring of the idea of public education itself.

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This paper clarifies the problems that the theory of the division of interna and externa is now facing. In the late 1950s, in order to criticize educational policies based on the Law Concerning the Organization and Function of Local Educational Administration, Munakata Seiya formed a theory that divided educational factors into interna (=curriculum) and externa (=conditions which are not influential to curriculum). This theory has been widely used to prohibit educational policies intervening with people's values. This theory should now be critically examined for two reasons. First is that those factors categorised in the externa realm obviously have a remarkable influence on curriculum. Recruiting teachers, planning school buildings, and arranging classrooms are clear examples. Secondly, since the late 1980s, when the report of the Ad Hoc Council on Education was introduced, practical research on educational policies has been strongly called for. This, of course, means that research cannot be carried out only with the belief that government should stay passive. In reality, the way in which public authorities treat the private sphere has been changing. The Law for the Prevention of Spousal Violence and the Protection of Victims in 2001 and some other incidents have overtly influenced this change. Troubles and suffering occurring in the private sphere are now considered to be the society's problems. If governments choose not to intervene in people's lives, certain reasons should be presented. It is also now theoretically clear that the private and public spheres are firmly linked. Marxist feminism has shown a strong linkage on the economic side, spotlighting unpaid work in the private sphere. As if compensating for feminism, research results in social history have spotlighted the linkage on the emotional side, employing the aspect of 'mentality'. Edward Shorter, highlighting 'coupling (=marriage) systems', clarifies the generation of 'modern mentality'. This mentality is found at the base of modern society and has become the core of individualism, which Laurence Stone calls 'affective individualism'. Michel Foucault elucidates the modern state as employing a panopticism that is a self-control based on an individual's will or emotion to keep themselves in social order. Other than forcing people what to do, the state wishes to discipline people to adapt themselves voluntarily to what the society requires. However, the fact is that it is not always easy for people to be emotionally stable enough to control themselves, especially in an era of freedom that allows individuals to be liberated from established values and which maintains that people should find their own values. In this context, it is plausible that the state show its concern to see to it that its members are properly 'functioning' as autonomous individuals. As for the education system, which is a key method for governments to realize their goals, the sex education program introduced in the UK in 1994 is a good example of how a government polices their concerns. Education policy should be criticized, if necessary, with regard to examining its effectiveness and not only because policy concerns values. The content of this paper is as follows. 1 The purpose of the paper 2 Questioning the treatment of the private sphere (1) Opposition to the division theory of interna and externa (2) Non-intervention as laziness (3) 'The personal is political' 3 Self-control of 'affective individuals' (1) Affective individualism (2) Self-control 4 Securing self-controlling individuals (1) Hardship of self-control (2) Educational policies concerning values 5 Conclusion

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The purpose of this paper is to show the roles of educational administrative organs in Germany at the federal and state levels in promoting a high quality of school education by considering issues related to academic achievement and academic achievement improvement policies. I will use the term "social base of educational administration" to refer to the roles of educational administrative organs in promoting a high quality of school education. The recent results of the OECD Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) clearly showed that the averages of academic achievement for students in Germany were below the averages of other OECD countries. In Germany this has been labeled the "PISA shock." Issues related to academic achievement are taken very seriously in Germany, not only by those in education, but also by many other people throughout the society. PISA-E (PISA's national examination) clearly shows that there are large differences in terms of the averages of students and academic achievement between the 16 states of Germany. After the PISA results, the Standing Conference of the Ministers of Education decided in December 2001 on seven points which were to be emphasized. These involved not only subjects for school education but also for family education. The Standing Conference of the Ministers of Education presented a statement titled "PISA 2000" in October 2002. The following factors were emphasized in the statement. First, students lack qualitative understanding. Second, the spread of reading competence is wider than in other OECD countries. Third, there is a link between social background and the achievement of certain competencies. Fourth, the aim is to promote a higher average and to decrease gaps in achievement. Fifth, help for children in migrant families has not been successful in Germany. Policies for the improvement of academic achievement in each field have been proposed in this statement. The expansion of full-time schooling and the renewal and establishment of educational standards is noteworthy. To mention, for example, the characteristics of academic achievement improvement policies, there are, firstly, arrangements at the federal level. Secondly, each state aims to reduce the gap between their students and the average achievement between states by means of academic competition. Thirdly, academic achievement improvement policies involve recognition of social problems. Finally, to highlight the roles of educational administrative organs in promoting a high quality of school education, educational administrative organs at the federal and state level have begun promoting policies which encourage academic specialization. After a decision of the Standing Conference of the Ministers of Education, Germany has also been participating in international and national achievement tests and has analyzed these results minutely. Each state has appointed many pilot schools and collected a large amount of data. Educational administrative organs at the federal and state level now analyze the current situation by academic investigation and make policies based on analyses of these to improve the quality of their school education. Educational administrative organs at the federal and state level have also begun to control the quality of school education by means of analyzing the results and evaluations of students and teachers ('output'). Thus far, educational administrative organs have controlled the quality of school education by means of controlling input, but there is now a new trend towards 'output' control. Each state has begun unified tests. Educational standards are premised on the control of the quality of school education by means of 'output' control. Moreover, the educational administrative organs in each state have expanded their support functions. Since the PISA shock educational

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Education has many interesting aspects, and it can be approached from various disciplines, not only narrowly-defied by scholars of education but also from the perspectives of social science, psychology and other disciplines. Economics has an especially well-established research area, the economics of education, with academic journals published in the U.S. and Europe. In Japan a number of economists have recently criticized the government's educational polices and proposed alternative reforms. There appears to be, however, some misunderstanding about the economic approach to education, particularly regarding the role the market mechanism plays in education. There are two purposes to this short essay. The first is to briefly explain how economists analyze education and what kind of policy proposals they tend to make regarding education. The second is, based on the first discussion, to point out some issues which economists hope researchers of educational administration might tackle in Japan. The main conclusions are summarized in what follows. First, educational administration research should accumulate more empirical analyses, which are based on micro-data and which use rigorous econometric methodology. These are indispensable for qualitative assessment of the outcome and efficacy of education policy. Also, the government should establish panel data which can trace the educational background, job experience and other information of each sampled individual. Many researchers in Japan tend to assess educational policy and discuss its reform without any empirical analysis, in sharp contrast to the U.S. where there is a rich literature of micro-econometric research on educational attainments. Second, educational administration research should pay more attention on various aspects of education. Among others, "efficiency" and "equity", or their trade-off relationships, are important issues to be addressed when discussing educational reform. Education is expected to raise the productivity of each individual, but not proportionally, which requires careful discussions about the institutional and financial issues of public education. Neglecting this aspect of education may well lead to unexpected and unwanted outcomes from educational policies, as clearly evidenced by the recent failure of the Japanese government's policy to slim down the curricula of elementary and junior high schools. Third, educational administration research should explicitly take into account the socioeconomic factors surrounding education. Education has a unique aspect in that consumers (students) take part in its production together with suppliers (schools), unlike ordinary goods and services for which consumers and suppliers are usually independent of each other. This aspect of education makes the outcome of educational policy heavily dependent on the socioeconomic and innate features of consumers, and in turn causes a feedback from this education to individuals. This issue has recently become more critical in Japan as we see a clear trend towards social stratification through education.

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Although several attempts were made to change educational policy in the 1970s and 1980s in Japan, substantial changes were not realized until the second half of the 1990s. Why did the change occur only in the late 1990s? One explanation has been that the Ministry of Education was forced to change its former policy because of external pressures brought by ad hoc committees and councils set up in the cabinet during the 1990s. This argument appears to exaggerate the strong tendency of the Ministry as a whole to preserve the status quo and often ignores internal processes that enable changes in attitudes within the Ministry. This paper attempts to explore such internal factors in terms of the power relationship between various bureaus in the Ministry. The paper focuses on the relation between the Minister's Secretariat ('kanbou') and other bureaus ('genkyoku') such as the Elementary and Secondary Education Bureau. These two types of bureaus entail a difference in responding to the demands for change. In contrast to the other bureaus that are responsible for the implementation of specific policy, the main role of the Minister's Secretariat (MS) is to exercise a comprehensive coordinating function over all bureaus ('kanboukinou') ; and thus, the MS is more flexible when it comes to policy change than are other bureaus. We hypothesized that the MS's coordinating function was strengthened during the 1990s and that this allowed the Ministry to change its overall behavior. To examine this hypothesis, we analyzed the status of the MS within the Ministry concerning three points: (1) changes in the organizational structure of the MS; (2) the career pattern of the Director-General, or the chief, of the MS; and (3) the frequency of contacts between the Director-General of the MS and the Prime Minister. Results of our research found that, first, the sections responsible for investigation, statistics, and policy planning within the Ministry were integrated into the MS by the 1970s; in the 1980s, a Senior Deputy Director-General was newly established in the MS; and the Deputy Director-Generals of the other bureaus were transferred to the MS. These reorganizations reinforced the structure of the MS. Second, through analyzing the career pattern of the people who were appointed as Director-Generals of the MS, the paper demonstrates that, though being equal in rank to other bureau chiefs, the position grew important during the late 1990s in terms of the status which it has related to its influence on the ministry's behavior. Third, whereas there was hardly any contact between the Director-General of the MS and the Prime Minister in the 1980s, such contact sharply increased in the late 1990s. These analyses revealed that whereas the structure of the MS was empowered during the 1980s, the position of the MS's Director-General remained unimportant within the Ministry. It was in the late 1990s that the MS properly performed its coordinating function attaining its high status among the bureaus as well as relying on its reinforced structure. This empowerment of the MS's function then enabled the Ministry to change its policy during the same period.

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In 1990 the Vatican issued 'Ex corde Ecclesiae,' (EcE) the constitution for all Catholic universities. The purpose of the document was to strengthen the authority of the Roman Catholic Church toward Catholic universities in the world and also to unify the identity of these institutions as Catholic universities. The constitution brought about a heated debate concerning 'autonomy' issues, especially in the United States. This paper discusses the issues of 'autonomy' and 'accountability' in American Catholic universities through the debates of EcE. Although there is a similar tendency in recent years for both state universities and Catholic ones to be held 'accountable,' the latter cases are in fact completely different from the former ones. The differences related to the EcE are can mainly be found in terms of four points. First, the EcE made faculty members and administrators on Catholic campuses recognize their identity and, based on this rigid identity, it contributed in some degree to the unity of Catholicism. As is obvious in the case of Boston College, for example, there have been many discussions inside or outside campus, and these events, at least, had all members in the campus recognize that they live or work in a Catholic university. Secondly, the EcE is the focal point where the Roman Catholic Church has discussed 'the relationship between the Catholic universities and the Church' for more than twenty years. This is in opposition to the statement of Land O'Lakes in 1960s which pursued general 'autonomy' in Catholic universities. While the statement of O'Lakes connoted the opportunity of the contradiction between the universities and the church, recent documents from Catholic universities show that they recognize the church less and less as an opponent of the universities. Rather, as the EcE suggested, all Catholic universities are located inside the churches, and it is the church which deals with 'academic freedom' issues. Accordingly, and thirdly, the word 'autonomy' in Catholic universities does not mean an extension of 'academic freedom,' which is spontaneously built as an individual right. Rather, it is 'autonomy' brought by the Roman Catholic Church with a rigid Catholicism. Moreover, it should not be 'autonomy' toward the churches, but be one toward the society that is likely to thin down Catholic identity. This is the original structure between 'autonomy' and 'accountability' in Catholic universities. Universities, in general, of course, have identities or missions connected to research and education, and are also connected to 'academic freedom.' Hiding behind these missions, they have kept their 'autonomy' against external pressures. If universities share their missions with the church, they cannot be opposed to the church. Although the case is strengthened towards 'autonomy' between the society and the government, this also increases the ambiguity between the churches and universities. Accordingly, the case of Catholic universities demands a redefinition of the concept of 'autonomy.'

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Education reforms conducted by the New Labour raised a range of controversies or complaints, especially among officials in LEAs. To be precise, New Labour's policies reinforced the control over LEAs through reviewing and reusing the Education Development Plans and implementing LEA inspections. The malfunction of the educational system remains, however, a big problem to be solved. This paper aims at finding the philosophy on which New Labour's EDP and LEA inspection policies are based and arguing their potentials. Mr. Paul Robinson, the director of the Wandsworth LEA, commented that New Labour's policies were overtly prescriptive to ask for many plans and targets. By September 2003, all 150 LEAs had actually been inspected from one to three times by OfSTED through the Audit Committee. The reports of inspections and Comprehensive Performance Assessment results are published. While LEAs with good performance are encouraged to implement further autonomous innovations, those with poor performances are intervened with by the Secretary of State, in some cases to contract their services out. These inspections are conducted based on each LEA's EDP. Each LEA presents its own perspectives for improving educational services in the area or supporting schools. These EDPs are reviewed precisely during the inspection processes by OfSTED. EDP is put at the heart of the radical modernization of the LEA. Blair's government took over many policies involved in "accountability" from the Conservatives, including inspection and assessment by OfSTED. But New Labour is not implementing these policies with the same philosophy as the Conservatives. For the Conservative government, total responsibility for the failure of the educational system should have been taken by LEAs and Labour party. They believed that the LEAs should be inspected to reveal their malfunctions and deprive them of their power. But for New Labour, believing that the LEA should work effectively and properly, inspections have been conducted to encourage the successful LEAs and improve failings by such means as contracting their services out. In other words, believing in and trusting functions and the role of LEAs in the educational system, New Labour is aware of the necessity of reform. Their policies, based on this recognition, such as reinforcing the power of intervention of the Secretary of State and the EDP, necessarily lead to centralization. Many people believe that such a reinforcement of centralization is dangerous. But, at the same time, more powers are also charged to the LEAs. 'At the time of the passage of the School Standards and Framework Act in 1998, some took the view that this radical power of central intervention would be a measure of last resort and rarely invoked' said Paul Meredith. But New Labour's LEA reform is not a mere ideal. They reinforced top-down management in the LEA system through inspections and EDPs. This is because New Labour expects that market principles will be far less likely to result in an improvement of educational standards than the Conservatives had thought. New Labour's policies are based on new welfare state strategies. These strategies should be examined in terms of their effectiveness and significance in respect to the potential for construction of a new educational system under the concept of accountability.

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Questions addressed by Creationists who insist on teaching the Biblical creation of all living things in the public school science curriculum have always been disputed in the United States. In Japan these controversies have been considered as rare cases in the United States and only seen remarkable in that they represent an excessive demand for freedom of religion by the religious rights. In this paper, I have mainly analyzed the dispute over education policy concerning the teachings of the origin of life at the stage of secondary education in the Cobb County Board of Education in Georgia, USA. My aim is not to analyze whether creationism is science or religion, though, as most Japanese researchers have attempted. I rather pay attention to their criticisms toward public education, which they found in the process of introducing their own belief in the public education. At first, the historical backgrounds and strategic transitions of the creationist movement have been precisely traced. Even though creationists cleverly change their strategy every time they lose in court, questions they point out to the public education system seem to be consistent. These are, first, why are things which most families want to teach their children properly rejected as a unilateral idea by public education, and, second, whether the monopoly of professionalism of the science curriculum may cause bureaucracy in public education. Their claims have never been approved by the courts because these were mostly considered as an unlimited request for parental rights, and such claims might cause the disorganization of public education. Recently, however, creationists have tried to override these court decisions by introducing a new type of theory called Intelligent Design (ID). Proponents of ID define their movement as an intellectual movement that challenges widely held scientific viewpoints such as methodological materialism. Unlike the former creationism, it is clear that the proponents of ID are not only trying to request unlimited parental rights by introducing ID in the public science curriculum. In the strategy of introducing their own beliefs, they now seem to be trying to harmonize the conflict between professionalism and layman control in public schools. Although their efforts have been thought to be based on religious motivations, there is something we can learn from their attempt.

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The purpose of this paper is to examine the prescriptive factors of a principal's leadership from the viewpoint of values leadership theory and the values fit theory. Such a concrete subject that achieves this purpose can be summarized in three points: 1) How well do organizational culture, principal's values, and principal-organization values fit? And how does the fit of principal-teacher values prescribe the principal's leadership? 2) Does this 'values fit' exerts a positive influence leading to positive impacts or negative impacts concerning the principal's leadership? Is the values fit unrelated to the principal's leadership? And 3) What kinds of values prescribe the principal's leadership? The survey target was 995 teachers in 172 elementary schools for the Kyushu area, excluding Okinawa. The survey was conducted from October through December of 2002. 493 teachers participated in the survey with 136 principals. The return rate was 49.55% for the teachers survey and 79.07%. for the principal's survey. Fifteen variables were used on the occasion of analysis. The principal's leadership is composed of "transformational school leadership," "instructional leadership," and "fairness leadership." The organizational culture and the principal's values are composed of "creativity," "work environment," "autonomy," "collegiality," and "disciplinary" individually. We set up a person-organization (principal-organizational culture) fit and a person-person (principal-teacher) fit as the matching guidelines. As a result of analysis, we learned the following. First, the prescriptive factors of the principal's leadership were organizational culture and values fit (P-O fit and P-P fit). Yet, the biggest prescriptive factor of the principal's leadership was the organizational culture. In cases where it controlled the organizational culture, the values fit explained 2.5% of dispersion of the principal's leadership. Second, the values fit exerted a positive influence on the principal's leadership. The principal's values do not exert a direct influence on the principal's leadership. However, the principal's values have an effect that promotes leadership in cases where there was a match with the organizational culture or the teacher's values. Third, about 30% of the principal's leadership is explained by the organizational culture. In the organizational culture, the strong influence of "work environment" and "autonomy" to a principal's leadership were admitted. This shows that the principal who is succeeding in stress management is acknowledged as a leader.

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Neo-liberal ideology has, according to some observers, recently spread throughout the world because welfare states' governments have failed to resolve serious problems such as unemployment, health problems, pensions, etc. in spite of having a social security system. In Japan, the Nakasone-government established an extraordinary educational council which discussed the educational system and reform. This council influenced later educational councils and educational reforms. The slogans of reform of this council and others can be seen as choices they have made for themselves and as something that is their own responsibility. These educational reforms are the mirror of neo-liberalism, and lead to being expanded or becoming fixed in the social stratification system, some scholars say. Generally, sources of revenue are important when it comes to putting a plan into effect, and the social security system is a kind of administrative tool in need of a source of revenue, not a kind of administration for legal control. We must then focus on the financial system though it has not yet been considered. Regarding education as a means of equalization in society, and thinking that education has the function of welfare, we can then refer to Esping-Andersen's welfare regime model. The indexes of the regime in this model are wholly on expenditure on social security. This paper examines the validity of this welfare regime model in the field of education, making use of cluster analysis. In general, this welfare regime model is can also be adapted to education. According to Esping-Andersen, Japan belongs to a conservative welfare regime because of the character of what could be called its familialism. As a result of cluster analysis, it can be seen that Japan belongs to a liberal welfare regime like that of the UK and USA. The structure of expenditure on education in a liberal welfare regime is similar with that in a conservative welfare regime. But the rate of public expenditure on higher education and the rate of subsidy for private areas of higher education are very different. In a liberal welfare regime, though the former is low, while the latter is a little high. But both rates in Japan are very low. Esping-Andersen said that the structure of welfare institutions and the logic of welfare would not be consistent. In other words, other liberal regime nations have their own logic in terms of educational policy and are different from Japan. The Japanese educational system does not have a satisfactory financial aid system. We have to consider the failure of this system. We can find the problems of our own nation's policy through this kind of international typological research.

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Recently, the introduction of school choice has increased in various areas in Japan. Disputes regarding the effectiveness of this system have occurred, but few researchers have given attention to the introduction process. It is important that teachers, parents and residents sufficiently understand the intention of school choice, in order to make it work effectively. In another viewpoint, educational administration agency has to explain merits and demerits of school choice to guarantee "the right to know" of parents and residents. The aim of this paper is to clarify the present condition of the introduction process of school choice by educational administration agencies. For this, I tried to request to send me the printed materials concerning school choice and to practice a questionnaire survey to 25 municipalities in 2003. Responses to the questionnaire survey were 21 (84.0%). As a result of this data analysis, the following four points were discovered. First, school choice has not only been introduced in urban areas but also in rural areas. The national policy of "Mitigation of school attendance zone" and "Creation of school which has original characteristic" strongly influences the policy of school choice. Secondly, a few municipalities replied that school choice was according to the felt needs of parents, although 60% or more of municipalities did not reply this way. According to these data, it cannot be concluded that school choice is seen as a need of parents. Thirdly, the municipalities that practiced needs assessment were few. In addition to this, the survey contents were very simple items that mainly asked approval or opposition to school choice. As a result, needs assessment was slighted. Finally, many municipalities organized an advisory committee. This included parents and residents, yet this committee did not work effectively. In many cases, educational administration agencies decided on the introduction of school choice. The advisory committee was thus simply a rubber stamp. In conclusion, educational administration agency did not sufficiently accomplished educational accountability to explain school choice policy to the parents and residents.

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The aim of this paper is to examine the theory and practice of the support system for innovations in school management by way of Public Private Partnerships (PPP), considering the policies of the Labour Government from 1997 in England. From the 1980s school-based management or local management of schools has tended to follow global trends. Financial and administrative responsibilities have been devolved to schools, but they have also become subject to external indirect control from the centre in terms of auditing and assessment. Furthermore, under the existing system the inequality of competitive systems and the gaps between successful schools and failing schools have expanded more than ever. Although the New Labour government took over the concept of the Value for Money-management, which originated with the former Conservative Government, they revised that concept and introduced the Best Value Principle which imposes on local authorities requirements in ways related not only to economy, efficiency and effectiveness but also to the high quality of public services. As a result of these considerations, the following points became clear: First, for achieving the Best Value in schools, that is to lead to a rise in educational standards and continuous improvement, the Labour Government enacted Education Action Zones and a Federation of Schools, both of which introduce collaboration with the private sector and networking among schools for sharing good practices. Second, under educational PPP policies, one important point to note in the current management reforms in the presently maintained school systerns is the improvement and change in management practices through the empowerment by private partners. Facing the headteacher isolation problem in change management, the new Labour Government has paid considerable attention to this problem, particularly in two ways: utilizing alliances between and among schools and the Education Management Organization (EMO), a private consulting organization for educational management. We found that, first, the Government has promoted organizational developments to encourage the reform of schools to transform them into learning organizations with EMO's supports. Second, it has also emphasized internal-external alliances with schools and EMOs for the reforms because outsiders can recognize problems much more effectively than insiders, who have a "cognitive inertia." Third, Public Private Partnerships Programmes (4Ps) have been taken away in the case of using it as a support function in "change management." The organisation of these activities is support actions, though this often goes through the information service and is then lobbied to the government. A network organisation is started between the local governments, and the main characteristics are to popularize the structure of organisation learning through mutual interchange, the connection to cooperation, and so on. We can think that this organisation sticks to power, too, as accumulated and that the result becomes a motivating power for the control of a reform, also connected to a qualitative improvement in continuous administrative service. In conclusion, school innovation strategies for the Labour Government tend toward constructing PPP systems for the sake of raising standards and for the continuous improvement of all schools, applying the Best Value Principles. For the purpose of attaining these school innovations, the Labour Government emphasizes the mechanism of "change management" and the support systems through the PPP policy

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I. Purpose of this Symposium This public symposium was held on 18th October, 2003, at the 38th Annual Conference of the Japan Educational Administration Society. Its purpose was to explore the possibilities of municipal school boards supporting schools and classes. In this symposium four proposals were given. Their themes were as follows: 1) "Efforts by the Inuyama City Board of Education supporting Learning Schools," by Hisashi SEMII (Superintendent of the Board of Education, Inuyama City) 2) "Educational autonomy and the possibilities for municipal school boards," by Yuji IBUKA (Nagoya Institute of Technology) 3) "Present stage and issues of decentralization reform of educational administration," by Masahito OGAWA (Tokyo University) 4) "How to enhance the capability of municipal school boards to reform education," by Kazuo HORI (Tsukuba University) II. Main topics of discussion Though we had many questions and opinions from the participants, it is not possible to show all of them. Therefore, the following are presented as the main topics of discussion: 1) How are the efforts by the Inuyama City Board of Education and educational decentralization related? 2) How are municipal school boards in Aichi Prefecture and the Aichi Prefectural Board of Education related? What are the problems that need to be overcome for municipal school boards in Aichi Prefecture? 3) How should municipal boards of education support schools so that they may demonstrate autonomy? 4) What do mayors in Japan think about the significance of municipal boards of education? 5) How should we think about the size of municipal boards of education?

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The purpose of this study is to identify issues related to school appraisal systems and teachers' appraisal, finding the means to improve school quality and heighten teachers' professional quality given the policy trends for autonomous schools in Japan. With this research focus, we could find several key issues for research concerning the introduction of an appraisal system in educational administration : 1. When we intend to introduce a school appraisal system and teachers' appraisal, we must clarify the strata and fields of appraisal and identify who should be responsible for such appraisal. For example, we should distinguish four strata of school appraisal corresponding to school vision, school strategy, operational effectiveness, and tactics. We note, however, that questions on who should be responsible for which areas will be different depending upon the identification of the appraisal stratum. 2. The inevitable reasons and clear intentions of the introduction of such an appraisal system for school improvement and for the professional growth of teachers must be clarified in comparison with other tactics for school improvement and the professional growth of teachers. 3. The relationship of a school appraisal system and teachers' appraisal with resource allocations should also be clarified. For example, the problem of the relationship of school appraisal with school budget allocation or the relationship of teachers' appraisal with teachers' salary schedules should be carefully considered. 4. The methods and techniques of school appraisal or teachers' appraisal are also important themes to be clarified. Important issues when we intend to introduce a school appraisal system or teachers' appraisal are the objectivity, fairness, and adequacy of such tactics. This is especially so when there is a close relationship between such appraisal and resource allocations. How to secure objectivity, fairness, and adequacy are delicate issues. Another fundamental issue we must tackle should also be kept in mind: the theme of a vision of the structure of school organization and a vision of the teaching profession corresponding to the introduction of a school appraisal system and teachers' appraisal.

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The governance of curriculum has been one of the most controversial issues, both academically and practically, in educational administration. Since a decision of the Supreme Court in 1976, a prescribed course of study has been declared as a national standard, which all public schools should follow. However, this approach should be reconsidered and a new direction should be outlined from the following points of view, taking into account the following recent political and social dimensions: a strong political demand to construct a decentralized system and the prevailing social need to overcome the fear of losing a certain level of educational quality. First, Tetsuya Kajisa (Hyogo University of Education) analyzes the authorized characteristics of a national standard and pointed out the possibilities of local control as well as school site initiatives on governance of curriculum. Second, Toshiaki Murata (Setsunan University), focusing on educational policy that improves students' scholastic proficiency, indicates that the policy perspective on scholastic performance was made during an unstable situation, especially for those education levels that are compulsory. Third, Masato Honda (National Institute for Educational Policy Research) examines a new systemic model, called the "special zones for structural reform," recently introduced and which have now begun nation-wide. He brings up a sense of space management in addition to questions of personnel and time management. Finally, Ken Kaji (Director of School Education, Inuyama City Board of Education), who was invited as a special presenter, explains how curricular reform has been developed in Inuyama City. Following these presentations, several questions were discussed along the following lines: understanding of the meaning of reauthorized national standards, the effect of reauthorization, the methodology of local governance, the effect of introducing special zones for structural reform, and the accountability of policy implementation. Through the discussion, we recognize how far, from a quarter century ago, we have come when we discussed the same topic in this society's Bulletin, which means that v/e are surely heading toward a decentralized educational administration system. It should be noted that an exceptional number of regional superintendent and board staff attended in this session, which symbolizes the importance of this new direction.

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This paper is a summary of the Joint Seminar of the Japan-Korea Educational Administration Societies held on 26th September, 2003, at Seoul Temf Hotel, Korea. At the second-year joint seminar on "Problems and Methods of School Administration Reform," we discussed the problems and possibilities of some specific methods of school reform. Since the late 1990's, both Japan and Korea have launched school administration reform (in particular, the expansion of school autonomy) by enacting similar reform methods such as the school evaluation system, teachers assessment system, and so on. However, there are some criticisms that these reform methods have caused severe conflict at each district or school level and cannot lead to school effectiveness. We, therefore, decided to analyze the actual situation of schools (or districts) undergoing the present school reforms, and finally to search for solutions that would realize a more productive school organization by comparing both nation's reform methods. Titles of presentations and speakers were as follows: "Theme 1: Principal's role and responsibility in new school administration" Chair: HORIUCHI, Tsutomu (Kyoto University of Education) Speakers: OJIMA, Hiromichi (University of Tsukuba, Japan) CHOI, Hee-Sun (Kyungin National University of Education, Korea) "Theme 2: Problems and solutions of school evaluation systems" Chair: AHN, Ki-Sung (Korea University) Speakers: KOMATSU, Ikuo (National Institutefor Educational Policy Research) PARK, Jong-Yeol (University of Kyonpook) "Theme 3: Problems and solutions of teacher assessment systems" Chair: YAOSAKA, Osamu (Kyushu University) Speakers: SAKAKI, Tatsuo (Professor Emeritus, Nagoya University) KANG, In-Soo (The University of Suwon)

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1. Learning and Research I suppose that "learning" means the elementary step of study and "research" is something conducted at a more advanced level. The two follow in succession and cannot be distinguished clearly, yet educational administration research must not stay at the elementary level of studies and should be more creative if it is truly to be seen as a science. 2. Is educational administration research science? I have encountered this question twice in my career as a researcher of educational administration. First was when I was asked this question about thirty years ago when the Faculty of Education at Kyoto University was reorganized from one department into three. Whether educational administration research had matured enough to be used as the name of one of the departments or not was a primary consideration at that time. Second was when I was asked the question by a president of private university last year. He was a natural scientist (chemist) and the implication from his point of view was that educational administration research was not science. 3. Institutionalization of Science In Japan chairs in educational administration research were set up in traditional universities for the first time after World War II. It is said that the field was thus established as a science at that time. But, in fact, it was only institutionalized. It can not be asserted that it became science at that time. Even now it is not established enough to be called a science. 4. Problems to be solved in establishing educational administration research as a science (1) Limiting the scope of educational administration The scope of educational administration is vast and vague. Moreover, it is many-sided and has relationships to many other fields, for example law, politics, policy, management, finance, economics, and so on. It can be discussed and approached from various sides, and there are many ways of doing research. At first, therefore, the scope of research-objects must be limited to a constituent core in order to develop a theory of educational administration in a narrow sense, as well as one in a broad sense, and to organize the various results of research. (2) Pursuing the characteristics of educational administration The real state of educational administration should be made clear as objectively as possible at first, and then its own characteristics can be pursued thoroughly. Its principles or rules should be discovered and its peculiar theory should be established. (3) Clarifying the methodology of research There are many methods of research for educational administration, and how to approach such research can be seen as various, too. The methods of research should be as theoretical and as positive as possible if it is to be considered a science. (4) Systematizing of research Each piece of research on educational administration should not be left as it is. The results of research must be systematized as a whole, for it is said that science is an academic system of theoretical knowledge.

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