The pupose of this paper is a consideration of the peculiarity of the academic study of educational administration, examining objects and methods. This issue has been examinated critically by researchers of educational administration such as Shogo ICHIKAWA, who has indicated how the study of educational administration has been changing in quality, as the educational system in postwar Japan has been itself changing. Some people may ask what is the raison d'etre of the academic studies of education? Given this task, what is the assignment of the study of educational administration? It is a peculiarity of this study that we determine the boundary between education and society. Such inquiry leads us to regard educational administration as more pluralistic and fluid as an object of study. The realities of the organization for educational administration, such as government and boards of education, have been the main objects of the academic study of educational administration. That is to say, many reseachers have seen educational administration as unitary. Masashi CHIBA and I, however, indicated that one could grasp educational administration under the realm of competitive relations with other social entities. In recent years, educational policies have weakened the power of decision-making and of arriving at final resolutions. The accumulation of social agents has caused this weakening. Two points at issue are presented here as helpful clues to grasp and discuss the diverse and fluid relations between the society and educational administration. One of these clues is the concept of 'the educational society', which has been suggested by educational sociology. This helps us to consider why the society needs education and why or how the society promotes educational projects. Another clue is the concept of 'human beings and juridical persons in the learning society'. Juridical persons involved with education have relationships both with the society and with the recipients of this education. They coordinate these relations in various ways. Assigning these juridical persons a public status has meant the spread of educational administration in society.

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The study of education law and its "Interna and Externa" theory have been regarded as an outmoded issue among researchers in the field of educational administration. To understand the essence of the "Interna and Externa" theory, however, the different dimensions of the theory need to be distinguished according to the differences in academic instruments. With this distinction in mind, this paper focuses on the normative context of the theory developed by the legal study of education law. Critics of the "Interna and Externa" theory insist that the main purpose of the theory is to separate educational administration from education and to make administrative activities overwhelmingly passive. From this conclusion, these critics declare that the pedagogical study of educational administration had be disconnected from the study of education law. However, the fucal principle meaning of this theory is far different from that conclusion. In terms of the dimension of legal study, the main focus of this theory is to secure a legal and mandated authority within the affairs of a school system and exclude them from the internal affairs of education. Hence, in this theory, educational administration itself is not excluded or separated from education as long as it has no legal and mandated authority regarding the internal affairs of education. Moreover, when it comes to the pedagogical study of educational administration, the legal norm of "Interna and Externa" theory is a significant prerequisite for that study because bringing legal authority to the practice of educational administration means that the legitimacy of the practice would be judged by legal interpretation, not by pedagogical experiments. The "Interna and Externa" theory is an idea to secure an autonomous field of education so that the legitimacy of educational practice and educational administration can be brought by pedagogical examinations. Finally, although many critics assert that the legal study of education law has neglected practical conflicts among teachers, parents and students in schools, recent research in education law has grappled with those conflicts through the analysis of litigation for correcting school activities. Through the analysis of these cases, the study of education law has clarified the norm of teachers' activities and school practice in order to protect the students' rights in their school lives. While these case studies reveal teachers' professional responsibilities and the minimum standards accompanied with their activities, it has also evolved a framework within which educational practice and administration can be run by pedagogical experiments. This legal norm of educational activities, adding to the norm of "Interna and Externa" theory, is a framework for securing the particular area of pedagogical study that needs to be autonomous from legal interpretation and judicial judgment. Therefore, it should be recognized that the study of education law still has practical meanings that would be cornerstones of the pedagogical study of educational administration.

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After the 1990's when we consider educational administration, especially about the "dismantling of public education" or the "privatization of education, "educational politics becomes remarkable not only in Japan but in the United States, as Ichikawa points out. This paper examines how educational governance in the U. S. has changed and what kinds of impacts this trend has influenced in educational administration research, taking into account "social awareness" and "value consciousness." Privatization concerns the transfer of responsibility for education service and supply from government/public agencies (that is, states and local school districts) to profit and nonprofit business entities. Privatization was promoted together with the theory of school choice after the middle of the 1980's. The expansion of EMOs and specialty-service providers is a typical example of such privatization. According to the statistics of research organizations, the registered numbers of students of schools which the Edison Company manages, for example, is 59, 701. Many charter schools are managed by EMOs. The NCLB law enacted in 2001 also supports this trend. Various kinds of reform were attempted in the first half of the 1980s, but these reforms did not bring the expected results because they were actually only reforms of the existing system. Therefore, radical reform that included education governance reform was demanded in the latter half of the 1980's. "A Nation at Risk" in 1983 and "Politics, Markets, and America's Schools" written by Chubb and Moe in 1990, offered rationales for school choice. Though school choice and school privatization were insisted on loudly in 1980s in the education system, the goals of American education (democratic equality, social efficiency, and social mobility) were pursued historically in American society. There are conflicting perspectives in the basics of these educational purposes. One of these is the perspective of seeing education as either a public good or a private good. The goal of the social mobility of education was strengthened in the 1980s, and school choice and school privatization came to be introduced. Much criticism has been given of education reformers in support of choice and contracts. In their answer to these criticisms, reformers have pushed forward studies about regulated markets to cope with the criticism. The critics have made their attacks based on the ideology of pro-choice theory, and there is little research about how we regulate markets. Though the author was free of value judgments about the legitimacy or availability of school choice or privatization in the days of the preeminence of the market, researchers in America as well as Japan rarely pursue the ways in which the best regulations might function in educational markets. We have to now go deep into new educational administration research.

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This paper aims to make clear the ways in which the politics of education in Japan has advantages and disadvantages over other disciplines in the social sciences. Structural reform in Japan since the 1990's has seen rapid progress in terms of deregulation and decentralization as well as the cutting back of the annual expenditures of central and local governments in the policy domain. These issues cannot be settled only by actors in the educational domain because this structural reform ranges over all policy domains. Political confrontation among policy domains is brought about by structural reform. The politics of education in Japan has a disadvantage that it is incapable of analyzing political issues such as the Trinity Reform or the abolition of the system of boards of education. The reasons are as follows: First, the politics of education has analyzed a single domain. It has analyzed educational policies focusing on educational actors such as the Ministry of Education, Boards of Education, schools and teachers. On the other hand, it has not analyzed intergovernmental relations and decentralization focusing on the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications and other actors which have been concerned with these issues. Moreover, it has not analyzed intergovernmental fiscal relations focusing on the Ministry of Finance and other actors. In the actual policy process, especially in the latter period of the Occupation after the Second World War and in the period of structural reform in the 2000's, educational actors alone cannot be expected to solve reform issues. In the area of real politics, not only educational actors but also the political elite-the Prime Minister of Japan and his Cabinet political parties, government ministries and agencies, and the business community-take part in the policy process. The politics of education in Japan, however, takes it as obvious to this point that it studies only educational issues and actors. Second, the politics of education in Japan has made little of itself as a discipline. Rather, (1) It has been unconcerned about research methods. It has no idea for the selection or what method is suitable for analyzing education policy. For example, up to now, those concerned with the politics of education in Japan have not consulted the social sciences-public administration, political science, economics and sociology-for study. We especially note how it has scarcely imported the methods of political science. On the other hand, political scientists themselves have come to study educational policy. (2) Scholars of the politics of education in Japan have little interest in generalization. They have not examined or applied the implications of research of educational policy to other policy domains. It thus has often been made as descriptive study alone and has had little concern with forming a new theory or testing an existing theory. The advantage of the politics of education in Japan over other disciplines is that it has built up a store of knowledge about the education system, educational policy, actors in the educational domain and educational history. It is necessary now for the politics of education in Japan to systematize knowledge of the educational domain and set great store in empirical proof by using the social sciences.

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The purpose of this paper is to analyze the political dynamism of educational policy-making through the legislation of the Private School Promotion Subsidy Law. The paper examined the political thoughts and behavior by many actors involved in this legislation. The Liberal Democratic Party Bunkyo-zoku, the LDP diet members'group supporting the Education Ministry, played an important role in this enactment in the 75th session of the Diet in 1975. The submission of this bill to the Diet which they initiated was caused by failing to achieve a consensus within the government. The Home Affairs Ministry opposed the bill because financial assistance of secondary schools was seen as a prefectural responsibility. The Finance Ministry was also negative about giving an obligatory half of the current expenditure to universities because of the burden on national finances. Approval of the LDP was thus necessary to submit the LDP Diet member-sponsored bill to the Diet. However, they did not approve it. The Bunkyo-zoku conceded that the government may subsidize the universities up to the half of their current expenditure rather than half of it. This bill was enacted in a prolonged Diet session. It was said that some kind of wheeling and dealing went on between the LDP and the Japan Socialist Party over this bill and the child-care leave of women teachers bill proposed by the JSP. The fact was that the LDP wanted sincerly to establish child-care leave for women teachers. In this Diet Session, the LDP Bunkyo-zoku made an extraordinary effort to realize their policies. After that session, we no longer see Bunkyo-zoku-initiated legislation. This was because influential members of Bunkyo-zoku were had left the LDP due to the Lockheed scandals. There are three types of policy-making initiatives: the first is governmental officials-proposed legislation, which is defined according to a specific framework, the second is when high ranking governmental official such as the Prime Minister give directions in policy decision-making, and the third is when influential politicians among the governmental party take leadership in legislation. Deliberations about these politician-initiated bills are very often omitted in the Diet and their legislation process is not clear. Therefore, it is more crucial to know about the background, process and details of the policy-making in this case than in the case of government-proposed bills. Recently, especially under the Koizumi Cabinet, there were many requests to seek educational reform outside the educational community from viewpoints such as deregulation, efficiency, and privatization. Under such circumstances, there are many actors involved in making policy and it become more complicated. It is concluded that studying the dynamism of policy-making is now more important than ever for educational researchers.

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In this paper, the problem of management concerning the number of school personnel immediately after passage of the "Law Concerning Class-Size and the Standard of the Number of School Personnel in Public Compulsory Education Schools" in 1958was analyzed. Evaluation of the law in one prefecture which had enacted class organization and school personnel arrangements exceeding the standard shown in the law on that occasion is discussed. In previous research on the study of this law, only national data was used. This paper, however, pays attention to data at the prefectural-level and the political process of a specific prefecture. As a result of this analysis, it was discovered that the local government was simply opposing the new law by having not given attention to its central points and dissatisfaction with the law was expressed publicly. The following two points are mentioned concenring this dissatisfaction : (1) Certain occupational descriptions were not calculated by the "Law Concerning Class-Size and the Standard of the Number of School Personnel in Public Compulsory Education Schools." (2) The grade and division of the number of school personnel. These results showed clearly that each prefecture had room to design their own school staff composition for many compulsory education schools, particularly in terms of the type of divison and occupational descriptions of the class organization and school staff at the beginning of the law who had been opposed to the accepted law. A future possible subject is that such a dissatisfied manifestation will verify the point whether and how was it caught in the center, having led to the systemic revision of the subsequent fixed terms of employment.

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There were many cases where towns which ran girls' high schools or middle schools changed these schools into prefectural secondary schools in the early Showa era in Hokkaido. The purpose of this paper is to point out the characteristics of these processes, analyzing their description in official documents kept by the National Archives of Japan. The results of this research were as follows: 1 Firstly, the authorities of towns established practical courses in girls' high school because it was able to open these without their own schoolhouses. At the same time they made a financial effort to construct independent buildings for these schools. 2 After the completion the schoolhouse, they immediately applied for a change of their school to that of an ordinary girls' high school supported by the Hokkaido prefectural government (Do-Cho). 3 Finally, they tried to change the founder of the school from a town-run by the prefectural government and the Do-Cho accepted their application. This means that the acquisition of the prefectural secondary school in the town by essentially by donation. 4 This method to obtain a prefectural school was also used in the case of town-run middle schools. The local authorities tried again to get prefectural middle schools by such donations. Even into the postwar period, many municipalities opened high schools themselves and several years later gave the school buildings and facilities to the prefecture. This was important not only in terms of providing secondary education but also to attract prefectural organizations to support for education.

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The purpose of this paper is to analyze the change of the salary determination of public school teachers by abolition of the national school-based system by examining the policy formation process involving teacher salary reform in Kanagawa Prefecture. The determination of teacher salary of all prefectures was uniquely attained with abolition of the national school-based system. In connection with this systemic revision, reexamination ("foundation of generalization teachers' grade" and "unification of a payroll table") of the educational job payroll table were tackled as reexamination of a school management organization or part of high school reform in Kanagawa Prefecture. Why was the initiative taken all over the country, and how was the teacher salary reform "unification of a payroll table" performed, in Kanagawa Prefecture? The reasons why the original teacher salary reform in Kanagawa Prefecture was carried out are as follows. First is the factor of the major reform of the original salary determination of the self-governing body as attained by abolition of the national school-based system accompanying incorporation of the national universities. This was an external factor. Moreover, the target to realize reform by the 2006 fiscal year was made into a trend of civil service reform. Furthermore, personnel affairs and the salary system reform of Tokyo as it proceeded are also discussed. These external factors are conditions that are similar in all prefectures. Then, what inner factor was important in the original situation of Kanagawa Prefecture? First, the fiscal factor is raised. In the severe financial situation of fiscal reconstruction from a deficit organization, it can be pointed out that control of personnel expenses, which are fixed costs, has been called for strongly, while the strong request of reexamination of assigning teachers to certain designated administrative responsibilities in the prefectural assembly or teacher salary expense control has had great influence as a political factor as well. Furthermore, it is considered to have become a reform promotion factor in response to Governor Matsuzawa's intention (manifesto) that teacher salary reform be positioned as a political issue. Moreover, reform of high school reorganization or school management organization was approached as a necessity as an educational factor. In the Education Bureau, "creation of new grade" and "unification of a payroll table" have been considered as educational theory, being based also on the request of personnel-expenses control; while in negotiation with the Teachers' Union, agreement was also made to obtain security for the present salary for teachers in high schools. Thus, the possibility that the teacher salary, which had been fixed by the national school-based system until now, would change with the many financial and political situation and educational problems arose. By such a system change, participation of the prefectural assembly in the ordinance and budget draft in connection with teacher salaries increased considerably. In the example of Kanagawa Prefecture, it can be especially said that under the severe financial situation of the control of teacher salaries was an orientation revealed by repeated parliamentary questioning. However, the influence which the control of teacher salaries has on the fall of high school teachers' morale or the fall of the number of talented people in the teacher pool was also predictable. By this institutional change by which the central government came to support fixed level job reservations as much as possible, localization of educational administration arose and selection of how to maintain the level of educational service was approached without the acceptance or refusal of the governor, the local assembly or local residents.

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The aim of this study is to secure a basis for an interpretation of the Revised Fundamental Law of Education through an analysis of the articles concerned and to make the function and application of the articles which have represented the check and restraint role over central and local governments clear from the viewpoint of participation of these governments in education. At first the text of Article2, which is supposed to play the core role over the other articles, is confirmed. Through this process the findings include a) the objectives set by Article2 which do not impose specific legal obligations, b) the purpose of the text in " raising attitudes" which intends to keep harmony with the freedom of mind, and c) accomplishment of the goals as correspondent with the text, "respecting academic freedom." The findings are as follows. First, from the viewpoint of legal definitions, the articles are divided into two parts. One is those articles which are supposed to contain a clear definition of domain such as the articles on school education, compulsory education, private schools, and universities. The other is those articles which are supposed to have vague definitions of domain such as the articles on social education, home education and early childhood education. Secondly, which text has an explicit function as restraint against government is clarified, as well as which text has an implicit function of restraint against government. The relationship among these articles and the texts mentioned above is then made clearer. According to the official minute book of the committee, check and restraint principles have some variation in terms of being applied to the domain of the articles. As a result when these are applied, we need to pay attention to the variety of applicable criteria or standards according to the characteristics of the domains such as the degree of the autonomy of the subjects in each field, the practical effectiveness of government participation and control, and the degree of development of children.

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The first stage of the School Board system is the focus of this paper. The paper takes up the practice and organization of community educational plans based on the actual conditions of an area. Local government has remarkable flexibility, and educational administration professionals take the lead. The paper clarifies the characteristics of professional leader- ship and administration in those days when local educational autonomy tend to be created by analyzing the creation process and their enforcement in a community educational plan. It is the purpose of this paper to report on the style of professional leadership and administration when recommending an education which connects the place of educational practice to educational administration professionals, and then to show it takes hold. As a concrete example, the measure of the "curriculum of Sapporo city" as an organization created in Sapporo city in the 1950s is verified. As for "curriculum of Sapporo city, "the educational activity for attaining an established goal for education was assembled based on community and learner research into actual conditions. This was supported as continuous educational research by an organization which consisted of the educational staff of the city centering on educational administration professionals. Parents and local residents showed their demand for education, including social subjects, by accepting a questionnaire survey. Furthermore, it can be said that the legitimacy of educational administration was enhanced around the lead administrator who had been recently elected, as well as the participation of the assembly. That is, the educational administration of Sapporo city is managed by an organization in which the area was united and is considered to be one of the representative forms of the realization of local educational autonomy. During such activity, educational administrative professionals showed leadership in curriculum design work, which requires specialized knowledge and technology with the teacher who is the bearer of educational practice. The goal was therefore to investigate the subject at hand as an area for the "training of a practical citizen. "In the early postwar period, professional and consultative administration by educational administrative professionals was a very important role at these levels in aiming at the realization of local educational autonomy. The establishment of the Board of Education in 1952 helped to differentiate educational administration from the municipal head office. This strengthened the independence of the educational administration profession, which can be seen when the people directly choose the board members.

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This paper aims to investigate the personnel affairs of the prefectural superintendent of education in Japan from 1956 to 2000. Unlike other managerial positions in local governments, in the case of the superintendent of education in Japan, the Ministry of Education would previously need to approve position decisions. This system was later abolished by decentralization reform. Therefore, more personnel transfers were expected to occur from the Ministry of Education to the office of the superintendent than for other policy areas. However, it is not clear whether there actually were more cases of personnel transfers from the central government to the prefectural superintendent as compared to those in other policy areas, for instance, from the National Land and Transportation Ministry to the chief of the prefectural civil engineering division, or from the Ministry of Internal Affairs to the chief of general affairs. In this research, we have used an empirical analysis to solve the above question. Through analyzing the personnel record, we obtained the following findings. First, there were fewer personnel transfers from the central government to the prefectural superintendent than to the chief managers of other policy areas. This result contradicts our prediction. Second, unlike in other areas, in education there were more personnel transfers from the Ministry of Internal Affairs than from the presiding ministry. Why were there more cases of transfers from the Ministry of Internal Affairs to the prefectural superintendent than from the Ministry of Education? In this paper, this question is evaluated using case analysis. The present research indicates that the prefectural superintendent of education tends to come from the Ministry of Internal Affairs when the vice-governor or chief of general affairs has replaced loan employees from the Ministry of Internal Affairs with local government officers. These results suggest that there are fewer personnel transfers to the prefectural superintendent of education from the central government than any other chief of division in the prefecture. Although the personnel affairs of the prefectural superintendent of education were centralized in theory, they differed in practice. Generally, it is believed that the educational administration of the central government has a greater influence than any other policy area. The existence of the board of education system has strengthened this influence of the central government, particularly that of the Ministry of Education. However, the results of this study contradict these common perceptions.

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