密教文化
Online ISSN : 1884-345X
Print ISSN : 0286-9837
ISSN-L : 0286-9837
2007 巻, 219 号
選択された号の論文の5件中1~5を表示しています
  • 「『宝鑰』の二失」「『宝鑰』の三失」について
    橋本 文子
    2007 年 2007 巻 219 号 p. 1-24,144
    発行日: 2007/12/21
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Within the doctrinal system of Kobo Daishi Kukai _??__??__??__??__??__??_ (774-835), the theory of the ten stages of mind (jujushin, _??__??__??_) is one of the key classification systems. It forms the framework of Shingon doctrine, and took shape in Kukai's ten-fascicle Himitsumandara jujushinron _??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_ (hereafter Jujushinron)and his three-fascicle Hizo hoyaku _??__??__??__??_. The first organized critique of the theory of the ten stages of mind was formulated by the Tendai scholarmonk Annen _??__??_ (841-889) in his four-fascicle Shingon-shu kyojigi _??__??__??__??__??__??_. In No. 217 ofMikkyo Bunka, the author examined Shukan's _??__??_ (1115-1144) Shingon refutation of Annen's critique of the “five faults” of the ten stages of mind in Shukan's work Juju shanansho _??__??__??__??__??_. In this article the author continues the discussion of the second half of the Juju shanansho which refutes the “two faults” and “three faults” of the Hizo hoyaku given in the Shingonshu kyojigi, and examines the later historical influence of the Juju shanasho. First, the author provides an outline of the Shingon-shu kyojigi discussion of two faults and three faults of the Hizo hoyaku, which like the five faults is a critique of the ten stages of mind theory but focusing on the Hizo hoyaku rather than the Jujushinron. The relevant passages refuting the two and three faults in the Juju shanasho are then outlined, followed by other Shingon refutations of the same. A discussion of Annen's conjectured true intention in his Shingon-shu kyojigi of critiquing the Hizo hoyaku rather than the Jujushinron follows that.
  • 清水 明澄
    2007 年 2007 巻 219 号 p. 25-39,143
    発行日: 2007/12/21
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Annen _??__??_ (841-899) lists in his Hakke hiroku _??__??__??__??_ the following eight variants of the Chinese commentary on the Mahavairocanabhisambodhi-sutra:
    1. Dapiluzhena jing yiji _??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_, seven fascicles, imported to Japan by Genbo _??__??_ (?-746)
    2. Dapiluzhena jing yiji _??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_, seven fascicles, imported to Japan by Tokusei _??__??_ (?)
    3. Dapiluzhena jing yiji _??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_, seven fascicles, edited by Saicho _??__??_ (767-822)
    4. Dapiluzhena jing shu _??__??__??__??__??__??__??_, fourteen fascicles, imported to Japan by Kukai (774-835)
    5. Dapiluzhena jing shu _??__??__??__??__??__??__??_, twenty fascicles, edited by Kukai (774-835)
    6. Dapiluzhena jing yishi _??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_, , fourteen fascicles, imported to Japan by Ennin _??__??_ (794-864)
    7. Dapiluzhena jing yishi _??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_, fourteen fascicles, sent to Japan by Shinnyo (?-864)
    8. Dapiluzhena jing yishi _??__??__??__??__??__??__??_, _??_, ten fascicles, imported to Japan by Enchin_??__??_ (814-891)
    In this paper the author has organized the above eight variants as follows.
    First, in the Hakke hiroku No. 5 is listed as edited _??__??_ by Kukai. In both the To-ji and Hogon-ji texts of Kukai's Shorai mokuroku _??__??__??__??__??_ no. 5 is given as having ten fascicles. Therefore, it is thought that the text Kukai imported consisted on ten fascicles, which he later edited in Japan into twenty fascicles.
    Second, according to the Bodaishin gisho _??__??__??__??__??_ nos. 4 & 5 do not contain the discussion of the five meanings of the Sanskrit letter a that is exclusive to the Dapiluzhena jing yishi. Based on the issue of the five meanings of the letter a, the eight variants can be divided into four groups: Group A: nos. 6 & 7 (containing the five meanings of the letter a and Wengu's _??__??_ preface); Group B: no. 8 (containing the five meanings of the letter a but lacking Wengu's preface); Group C: nos. 2, 3, 4, 5 (lacking the five meanings of the letter a); and Group D: no. 1 (of unknown details).
  • 中谷 征充
    2007 年 2007 巻 219 号 p. 41-71,142
    発行日: 2007/12/21
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Kukai wrote the memorial and Chinese poem titled Hosha onshi hyakutonmen ken shichigonshi shi isshu narabi ni jo _??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_ as an expression of gratitude for the Chinese poem sent him by Emperor Saga along with a gift of 15kgs. of raw cotton. Kukai wrote his poem to accompany his memorial, and it was in the form of a howashi response to Saga's poem, no. 24 of the Ryounshu _??__??__??_ Something of the relationship between Saga and Kukai can be known from this exchange.
    A howashi was a Chinese poem written impromptu in response to an emperor's poem given at a banquet or other occasion, and in principle using the same rhyme as the emperor's poem (or gyoseishi _??__??__??_). In Japan many howashi were composed for Saga's poems, and are contained in the three imperially-ordered Chinese poetry collections of the Ryounshu, Bunka shureishu _??__??__??__??__??_, and Keikok _??__??__??_.
    Kukai's howashi was not written in attendance at a banquet, it is an unusual example of poem sent in response to a poem received. In places where a rhyme would be sufficient Kukai has instead chosen the same character as Saga, and uses them in the same order. Further, Kukai nearly matched his phrases and structure with Saga's poem. There is hardly another example like this howashi even in China.
    In this article, the author first examines Kukai's memorial expressing his gratitude. Next, Saga's gyoseishi and Kukai's howashi are placed together and to demonstrate the unique characteristics of Kukai's poem the paired lines in each poem are compared.
    There is no clear evidence to suggest when this was written, but rather than the standard theory of the first day of the third month of 814, based on the phrases used in both poems the author believes the first day of the second month of 814 to be a more likely date.
  • 山田 佳雅里
    2007 年 2007 巻 219 号 p. 73-102,141
    発行日: 2007/12/21
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Takashina no Tonari _??__??__??__??_ is well known to those who study Kukai as the government official in charge of the ship Kukai used to return to Japan. Researchers on Japanese official voyages to Tang China strongly suggest that Tonari led the fourth mission to Tang in the Enryaku period, and although this theory is widely accepted there are no conclusive documentary records to support it and contrary theories appear from time to time.
    Accordingly, there are the theories that he was re-dispatched according to Kaido no Rei _??__??__??__??_ (TAKAGI Shingen), and recently that the fourth ship embarked a year later (UEDA Takeshi, TAKEU CHI Kozen).
    A major factor behind these various theories is that in the Nihon koki _??__??__??__??_ entry for the sixteenth day of the seventh month of 805 notes that the third ship with Mimune no Imatsugu _??__??__??__??_ was shipwrecked. This entry could be (1) misplaced here from the section for 804, (2) it could be that the return voyage is meant, or (3) the views of earlier articles, but there is no consensus.
    In this paper I trace the historical changes in the diplomatic voyages to Tang, and while afterwards explaining the position of such diplomatic missions at the time show that the possibility of re-dispatching a mission or repeated negotiations is extremely low.
    Along with a discussion of Tonari's background, I describe his relationship with the functional head of the government office at Dazaifu (Dazai no Daini _??__??__??__??_) Fujiwara no Kadonomaro during the time from when Tonari was third minister of Dazaifu (Dazai no Daigen _??__??__??__??_) until he was appointed to the voyage diplomatic staff, and the strong likelihood that the passage stating that he was “suddenly appointed to the mission, and did not even have time to prepare for the voyage” (Nihon hoki fragment) refers to the time immediately prior to the urgent re-departure of the mission in 804, when the ambassador Kadonomaro, his former superior, requested his participation.
  • 静 春樹
    2007 年 2007 巻 219 号 p. L9-L40,139
    発行日: 2007/12/21
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    In issues 216-217 of Mikkyo Bunka the author discussed the philosophical viewpoints having been held within Indian Buddhism by the three yanas of Sravakayana, Paramitayana, and Vajrayana. In the present article the author will discuss in outline the view of the position occupied by women in Vajrayana. This is a timely and cutting edge issue that involves questions revolving around feminism and postmodernism. First and foremost, we are all either male or female. Feminists have declared that textual studies forming the foundation of the humanities cannot avoid the issue of gender, but that an awareness of this has not been present initially in such studies. Some cultures have a symbol system focused on women such as is typified by the worship of the Madonna, yet contradictorily those societies in practice suppress women and take away their right to discourse. Feminism accuses the history of Indian Buddhism as being strongly androcentric, and further criticizes the cultural paradigm within Indian Buddhism in which statements of gender inequality have resorted to the shields of emptiness and transcendent practices to rationalize the suppression of women by men. Based on such criticisms, the author will present a general idea of the view of women within Vajrayana, and will provide a foundational report to serve as the basis for a constructive dialogue to approach this issue.
    In the first section the author provides an outline of discrimination against women in the history of Indian Buddhism. The second section will examine passages on the yogini and dakini deities developed in Vajrayana. Section three will study textual passages delineating the living yoga consorts treated as the physical manifestations of such deities. Section four will present passages describing the women who participated on an equal footing with men in the ganacakra tantric rite. In conclusion, the author will demonstrate the ideal of the female principle having been incorporated in Vajrayana doctrine and the indispensability of women in actual religious practices, in particular, the high degree of gender equality described in ganacakra meetings.
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