英学史研究
Online ISSN : 1883-9282
Print ISSN : 0386-9490
ISSN-L : 0386-9490
1990 巻 , 22 号
選択された号の論文の12件中1~12を表示しています
  • 今井 一良
    1989 年 1990 巻 22 号 p. 1-14
    発行日: 1989年
    公開日: 2010/01/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    In 1888 Kyoka Izumi (born Kyotaro Izumi in 1873), who failed in the entrance examination of the Fourth Higher Middle School at Kanazawa, entered a private school kept by Tajiro Inami, and was soon left in charge of English lessons there, since he had attended a missonary school (the Hokuriku Eiwa Gakko) before and was very good at English.
    Tajiro Inami was also known as a compiler of an English-Japanese dictionary entitled 'the Shinsen Eiwa Jiten'. This dictionary was published in 1886 from the Unkondo's which had already issued a literary magazine, 'the kinjo Shishi'.
    Therefore, the advertisements of sale of Inami's dictionary were put in this magazine many times, and in addition so much information concerning English learning at Kanazawa or in Tokyo was reported.
    In this essay, I would like to give a full detail of the following items, amplifying the above-mentioned matter :
    1. Biographical Sketch of Tajiro Inami.
    2. On 'the Kinjo Shinshi '.
    3. On 'the Shinsen Eiwa Jiten'.
    4. Situation of English learning at Kanazawa about the middle of 1880's based on the reports in the Kinjo Shinshi.
  • 本田 敏雄
    1989 年 1990 巻 22 号 p. 15-32
    発行日: 1989年
    公開日: 2009/09/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    In March, 1868 (4th year of Keio) after the establishment of Meiji Restoration government, Takatoh Ohshima, mining and metallurgical engineer, and president of Nisshindo, Educational Institute of Mine and Applied Science in Morioka, Nambu Han Capital, north-eastern Japan presented his opinion to the authorities. In it he maintained an idea to furnish a chance to some of his students taking a course in mining and metallurgical engineering for study of Western new navigation art on a steamship (named Hishunmaru, 200 ton), which Nambu Han Government purchased in Hakodate. Accordingly, as Nambu Han employed Englishmen, who were captain and mates of its ship till that time, it was necessary to make use of a JapaneseEnglish interpreter for students.
    Making historical researches into this interpreter, I have found that he was Takuhei Kikuchi (1845-1928), engaged by Nambu Han Government as Kyunin, a country samurai, in 1862 (the 2th of Bunkyu). His father came from Ohata, Shimokita peninsula, however, he was born and grew up in Hakodate. And he learned Dutch, English, and schooner-ship building at Shojutsu-shirabesho, Tokugawa Shogunate College of Engineering in Hakodate. Moreover, under Prof. Ayasaburo Takeda, who was wellknown not only as Dutch and English scholar, but also as one of recognized authorities of Military engineering, to put it concretely, planner of Goryokaku castle and blast furnace constructed in and arround Hakodate, Kikuchi gained various experiences for the new art of navigation, and so on.
    In May 4th, 1868 Ohshima, and Takuhei Kikuchi as interpreter with other samurais in Nambu Han sailed from port of Hakodate for Osaka on steamship Hishunmaru stated above. But, at port of Uraga, Tokyo bay, on the way to Osaka this ship was captured by the authorities of Meiji Restoration Government. Because, Nambu Han turned its policy to hostile against Satsuma Han, Choshu Han and south-western others, that is to say, the leading Han which founded the core of the new Government. It was just after the Civil War in Meiji Ishin, or Boshin-senso's outburst.
    In this article I have described how young Kikuchi learned English and the act of navigation, grew to mate, and afterwards was appointed an interpreter. Then, he became the first president of Kokyo-gakusha, English School of Methodist Church, a root of the University of Aoyama-gakuin, Tokyo, soon after he was baptized in Hakodate.
  • 園田 健二
    1989 年 1990 巻 22 号 p. 33-45
    発行日: 1989年
    公開日: 2009/09/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    In W. S. Lewis and N. Murakami's Ranald MacDonald such names as Sherrei Tachachien (Shirai Tatsunoshin), Wirriamra Saxtuero (Uemura Sakuhichiro), Obigue (Ido Tsushimano-kami), Murayama Yeanoske (Moriyama Einosuke) and the descriptions of them appear in Chapters 11 and 12. But in the same book, we see their names and the descriptions of them again in Chapter 17, the last chapter : we read approximately the same thing twice in the book. Why did the editors of the book do such a thing? The fact is that Malcolm McLeod wrote Chapters 11 and 12 in 1857, making use of both the memos MacDonald gave him and what MacDonald told him when he visited McLeod in Ottawa in 1853. Yet in later years when the two resumed correspondence, McLeod, thinking that what he described in Chapters 11 and 12 might be a little simple, asked MacDonald to write him what he had forgotten to tell and what he wanted to tell about his old friends in Japan. The letter is now extant and we can see which parts of the letter McLeod and the later editors tried to publish and which parts of it they tried to eliminate.
    There are also other parts Lewis and Murakami did not publish in their book, although these parts appear in McLeod's manuscripts. Oda Junichiro's letter to McLeod dated October 13th, 1888 and a part of Oda's conversation with McLeod about settlement in Canada are among them. Probably they did not interest Lewis and Murakami and they had to eliminate these parts.
  • 西岡 淑雄
    1989 年 1990 巻 22 号 p. 47-60
    発行日: 1989年
    公開日: 2009/09/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    I am interested in Charles Wirgman, a correspondent from the Illustrated London News. In my last essay on vol. 17 of this journal I wrote about his journey through Nara with British Minister Rutherford Alcock in 1861. This time I tried to write about their stay in Osaka.
    Sir Rutherford Alcock also wrote about their journey in his 'The Capital of the Tycoon'. In Osaka they stayed at a temple for a few days and visited several shops, a theater, a melting works for copper and so on. These places are all anonymous. My intention to identify them proved successful as to some of them. But as for the theater and the title of the play they saw, I have not yet succeeded with all my effort, referring to the recorded programs of the plays performed in the Edo Era. This being my chief object, I think I will make further investigation.
    On this journey several yaconins, i. e. government officers, escorted. One of them is mentioned in Alcock's book as Tarasaki. I found another officer's name and pursued his career. He was Rentaro Tanaka. He was later dispatched to France as one of the members of a mission headed by Chikugo-no-kami Ikeda. After the Meiji Restoration he was appointed vice-governor of a local government in the province of Tajima. But what has become of him after 1875 is unknown.
  • 川村 ハツエ
    1989 年 1990 巻 22 号 p. 61-75
    発行日: 1989年
    公開日: 2009/09/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    B. H. Chamberlain was the first to acknowledge the Noh play as an authentic genre of Japanese literature; previously it had been regarded merely as a form of entertainment. He saw in Noh a lyric drama, distinctly indigenous to Japan both in its form and in its treatment and choice of themes.
    B. H. Chamberlain came to Japan in 1873 and took up an abode at a Buddhist temple in Tokyo. Near his residence lived an old samurai, Shigeru Araki, who had served the Tokugawa Shogunate. Chamberlain became his private teacher of English. It was through Araki that Chamberlain was introduced to the Noh play. The Noh play had been patronized by the Shogunates since the time of Yoshimitsu Ashikaga. After the establishment of the Tokugawa Shogunate, the performance of the Noh play became an indispensable event on ceremonial occasions. An old retainer of the Tokugawa Shogunate, Araki had great pride in Noh, considering it as a glorious symbol of Japanese art. In the course of his frequent visits to the Noh theatre with Araki, Chamberlain must have been attracted by the Noh play texts, YOKYOKU, as well as by the theatrical performance itself.
    In the tradition of the Noh play, a text with few references to the lines from such famous anthologies as the Manyoshu or the Kokinshu was considered to be mediocre and lacking overtones. The Noh play is inseparably interwoven with the tradition of Japanese poetry. Not only are many poems embedded in the dialogue, but also there are many instances of a Noh play whose theme derives from waka. Thus it was through Noh plays that Chamberlain entered the world of Japanese classical poetry.
    About this time he was introduced to an aged poetess who had many associates among people of refined taste of the upper class. He owed his elegant and well-accented Japanese to her and her circle. Chamberlain expressed his thanks to her in the preface to THE CLASSICAL POETRY OF THE JAPANESE as follows;
    “… the necessary preliminary studies would never have been successfully carried through but for the kind encouragement of the aged poetess Tachibana-no-Toseko.”
    She published the waka anthology MEIJI-KASHU in which she included Chamberlain's wakas under the pen name Odo. He was also an associate of the Japanese comedian (kyogen-shi), Nohara, who copied twenty volumes of comedy texts for him.
    Chamberlain shared his Japanese studies with Ernest Satow, an English diplomat in Tokyo. They were good friends. Satow gave to Chamberlain one hundred volumes of yokyoku which he had collected in 1870s.
    After seven years of devoted studies, Chamberlain published THE CLASSICAL POETRY OF THE JAPANESE in London in 1880. It contains poems from the Manyoshu, the Kokinshu, and four Noh plays i.e. The Robe of Feathers, The Death-Stone, Life is A Dream, andNakamitsu, and also two Kyogen plays i.e. Ribs and Skin (Hone Kawa) andAbstraction (Za-Zen).
    Chamberlain was probably the first translator of Noh plays. Dr. Sanki Ichikawa praised B. H. Chamberlain for introducing the Noh play to the world as early as the opening years of the Meiji Era.
  • 藤井 泰
    1989 年 1990 巻 22 号 p. 77-89
    発行日: 1989年
    公開日: 2010/05/07
    ジャーナル フリー
    Yamao Yozo (1837-1917) is well known for his contributions to the establishment of the Imperial College of Engineering (the predecessor of the present Faculty of Engineering of Tokyo University) in 1873. It is pointed out that his plan leading to this College comes from his study of science and technology in London and Glasgow from 1863-68. But there are still many unknowns about his activities during his stay in the UK.
    This study is to uncover the details of his stay as a student at the University College and then clarify the influences of his experiences upon his plan, based upon the materials that I collected at the archives of the College. I found that he, in fact, was registered as “a student not matriculated” from 1864 to 66 at the College and studied Analytical Chemistry, Chemistry and Civil Engineering. He also visited various industrial centres to study at first-hand railway engineering, mining, ship-building, surveying, iron smelting and other industries. During his stay, Yamao was under the care of Mr. H. M. Matheson, managing partner of Matheson & Co., and Professor A. W. Williamson of the College. Their kind guidance and influence were very helpful to him.
    As I compared the Calender of the College and his plan, I found that there are similarities between the two. In conclusion, his plan was based upon the University College model in several respects.
  • 高橋 俊昭
    1989 年 1990 巻 22 号 p. 91-101
    発行日: 1989年
    公開日: 2010/01/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    Akika Nakamura's Kanayomi Kaisei Saigoku Risshihen published in 1882 was a simplified version of Masanao Nakamura's Saigoku Risshihen, the first Japanese translation of Samuel Smiles's Self-Help.
    Akika wrote it for the benefit of the people who were unlearned in Kangaku, the knowledge of Chinese literature, which was an implicit requirement for reading Masanao's book, in spite of the general belief that it enjoyed popularity among an indiscriminately wide range of readers.
    Masanao's book, written in Kambun Kundokutai (i.e. the style of reading Chinese in translating it into Japanese), was retold by Akika after the style of such popular reading of the day as Gesaku. In abriding Masanao's book, Akika's interest was not so much in the theories like political assertions, as in the examples of self-improvement ending in success.
    Although it is only a part of the attempted publication and left unfinished, Akika's book, originally designed as a Self-Help primer, makes itself an illustration of how new ideas were received in the early days of Japan's modernization.
  • 皆川 三郎
    1989 年 1990 巻 22 号 p. 103-117
    発行日: 1989年
    公開日: 2009/09/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    Hundreds of books dealing with the Russo-Japanese war (1904-1905) have been published in Japan during the past years, but they have nearly all chronicled the military operations of her army by means of the gun and the bayonet, and have given very little information regarding the humanside, still less, the effects of the war on the rest of the world other than the contesting parties. Some time before the war, the Meiji government was divided; one party was for peace at any price, and the other was for vindicating national honour by appealing to arms, although even the war advocates were well aware that Japan was far below Russia in natural resources, military strength, and economic power; the national budget of Japan in the year preceding the war was only one-eighth of Russia's. Japan had, however, recognized the right of even the humblest to the opportunity of rising in the intellectual and social scale, whereas Russia was content to leave her people in besotted ignorance, without political rights and privileges, and also to leave her officers and soldiers in utter contempt of their Japanese counterparts so much that a high-ranking officer is said to have declared, “We need not the big gun; the musket will be enough to crush the yellow monkeys in a few weeks.”
    The Japanese army was, in fact, far better trained than the Russian, in addition to the fact that the Japanese officers and men had had the international law and etiquette of the Red Cross Treaty inculcated in them since 1887 when General Oyama was War Minister.
    Britain sent a large group of famous war correspondents and artists to the Japanese front, and their thrilling news, photographs, and sketches were collected into book form immediately after the war. Following their materials according to the progress of the war, I have tried to describe the human side, the national characteristics, and the consequent achievements and failures of both armies. In so doing, I have also tried to draw the attention of the reader to the global significance of the RussoJapanese war, which presents many cruel scenes, but provides the reader with a romantic interest reminiscent of a Homeric combat.
  • 遠藤 智比古
    1989 年 1990 巻 22 号 p. 119-136
    発行日: 1989年
    公開日: 2010/05/07
    ジャーナル フリー
    When I found that the equivalent to hippopotamus was Kawamuma (河馬) in AN ENGLISH-JAPANESE DICTIONARY ('薩摩辞書') in 1869, I wanted to know when and how Kawamuma changed into Kaba (河馬).
    In Dutch-Japanese dictionaries compiled in the Edo era, I couldn't find the entry word of 'nijlpaard' which is the Dutch equivalent to hippopotamus.
    A Chinese word河馬first appeared in A POCKET DICTIONARY OF THE ENGLISH AND JAPANESE LANGUAGE ('英和対訳袖珍辞書') in 1862. How was the translation of河馬made?
    After presenting a report at the regular monthly meeting in May, 1988, the writer found'地球説略'which was put guiding marks beside Chinese characters by Gempo Mitsukuri (箕作阮甫).In this book, hippopotamus appeared as海馬.And by comparing'海國圖志'which was put guiding marks by Gempo Mitsukuri, '海國圖志'in the original in 60 vols. and the enlarged edition of which in 100 vols., the writer deduces that Gempo Mitsukuri played an important role in the introduction of the Chinese word河馬.
    According to the writer's research, '改正増補英語箋'in 1872 was the oldest book in which hippopotamus appeared as河馬with small kana printed alongside the Chinese characters.
  • 小林 功芳
    1989 年 1990 巻 22 号 p. 137-145
    発行日: 1989年
    公開日: 2009/09/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    R. S. Maclay of the American Methodist Episcopal Mission came to Yokohama on July 11, 1873, after working as a missionary in China for 25 years. On July 30, the same year, I. H. Correll stopped at Yokohama because of his wife's illness while on the way to evangelize China as a missionary. On August 8, J. C. Davison and Julius Soper came to Yokohama as missionaries. The four missionaries organized the Methodist Episcopal Mission of Japan on August 8, 1873.
    Maclay and Correll served as the missionaries in charge of Yokohama. They founded churches and a theological school there. That school moved to Tokyo later to unite with Tokyo Eiwa School and became Aoyama Gakuin.
    G. F. Draper came to Yokohama in 1879. He became the principal of a school for the blind, which his mother had founded earlier.
    Mrs. C. W. Van Petten worked as the principal of a women's theological school on the Bluff, Yokohama. She opened two primary schools with Waka Ninomiya, a woman who was a member of the Yokohama Methodist Church.
    In 1889, some members of the Yokohama Methodist Church founded an English night school where several foreign missionaries worked as teachers.
    Methodist missionaries in Yokohama made many contributions in evangelical and educational activities there.
  • 寺田 芳徳
    1989 年 1990 巻 22 号 p. 147-167
    発行日: 1989年
    公開日: 2010/05/07
    ジャーナル フリー
    The feudal clan Hagi-han or Choshu-han (正式名称萩藩, 俗称長州藩), Yamaguchi prefecture at present, which commanded the western entrances to the Inland Sea, played the greatest role in the Meiji Restoration. The clan school Meirinkan was founded in 1718 at Hagi. It reformed its western studies in the attached institute to set up Yamaguchi Meirinkan independently, while there was establised the naval academy Kaigungakko at Mitajiri in 1865. The Institute for the western studies in Hagi Meirinkan was affiliated to Kaigungakko. Thus both lineage of Meirinkan developed, after the realization of the Restoration, into kojogakusha and Hajoakusha in 1874. Later the former was succeeded to Yamaguchi University and the latter to Hagi Senior High School from which the prefectural Hagi Library was separated in 1951.
    English-American textbooks various in kind, prevailed there since the era of Meiji, have been comprised in each institutional library, after they were read through. Webster's dictionaries predominated over those original books and advanced the studies of English. To make up the bibliographies of Webster's dictionaries carried out in Hagi Senior High School is the author's chief concern of this essay. They approximately consist of 38 copies introduced between the 1860's and the 1910's, including An American Dictionary of the English Language unabridged or abridged, and what not. They preserve the history of the progress of English studies in the Choshu clan schools and show us a visual point of the study, making one of the paragraphs of “Foundation researches in the growth of English studies, education, textbooks, teachers in Japan” by the author.
  • 尺 次郎
    1989 年 1990 巻 22 号 p. 169-178
    発行日: 1989年
    公開日: 2009/09/16
    ジャーナル フリー
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