This Paper examines the structure of food concepts in Uyghur, a wheat-growing area. Based on staple grain distribution, the Eurasian continent can be divided into two areas. In one area the staple grain is wheat, while in the other area, the staple grain is rice. The difference in food concepts between these two areas is reflected in whether the people of the area divide dishes into two categories similar to shushoku and fukusyoku in Japanese. These concepts exists in regions where the staple grain is rice, as in Japan, China, Korea and throughout southeast Asia. However, such concepts do not exist there the staple grain is wheat, as in Europe. Anthologists Shinoda and Ishige approached this difference from a nutritional perspective. The interpretation from this perspective was based on the fact that the amount of essential amino acids in wheat is less than that in rice. Rice is capable of fulfilling the human requirements for essential amino acids. In comparison to wheat-consuming areas, rice-consuming areas tend to lack livestock farming and the inhabitants rarely consume milk or meat, which contain abundant essential amino acids. Therefore, people who live in rice-consuming areas have long depended on rice to obtain essential amino acids. This inability to farm livestock and the excellence of rice for providing essential amino acids are considered the reasons underlying the designation of rice as shushoku in these areas. however, there wheat-consuming areas correspond with areas of livestock farming, since residents of those areas require complementary essential amino acids from milk and meat. It is thought that, because wheat, meat and milk must be consumed together for a healthy diet, the inhabitants whose staple is wheat do not divide their food into bread as the main food with subsidiary dishes of other foods. If they do not regard bread or other wheat dishes as shushoku, then what kind of position is wheat assigned in their food culture? Ishige and Shinoda believe that bread may be part of many kinds of dishes without having any special position like shushoku. To clarify this concept I examined the daily dining tables of the Uyghur in Ulmchi Xinjiang, China, one of the wheat-consuming areas in Eurasia. I chose this population in order to examine the characteristics of a wheat-consuming area outside of Europe. My research focused on the classification of Uyghur dishes and the combination of dishes on daily dining tables. The first point uncovered by my fieldwork was that the Uyghur classify what they eat into two general categories: tamaq (meals) and chay (tea). IN Uyghur language, chay means to have tea and nan. It was also discovered that almost half of the food classified as tamaq could change into chay by combining it with nan or tea at the table. Nan's position was completely opposite of the food concept held in Japan. In Japan, when we say "eat rice (gohan wo taberu)" the widely accepted meaning is to eat a meal, and similar expressions uniformly exist in rice-consuming areas. In these areas the food concept of rice equals the concept of a meal. Given this fact, I tried to understand the role of chay in Uyghur home dining. The second point I uncovered through my fieldwork was how frequently tamaq and chay are served at the home dining table. The result of day-long direct observations was that tamaq appeared zero to two times per day while chay appeared five to seven times per day. And most chay were served in combination with nan, while tamaq was not. These results show that chay, which includes eating nan, is the main form of eating rather than tamaq in Uyghur. The third point I uncovered was how these classifications and combinations affect a person's eating habits at the home dining table. From day-long direct observation data, I discovered that a high percentage of chay are shared by the people who are at home at the time. Therefore, I

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This paper explores the ethnic identity of the African Omanis or Zanjibaris, repatriated Omanis who enter the workforce as professionals in Oman. In particular, I discuss how the Zanjibari social category has been formed and represented in Omani society since 1970 in relation to native Omanis, and analyze their ethnic identity from the viewpoints of names, genealogy and blood. After the middle of 17th century, Oman's politics and people expanded into East Africa including Zanzibar Island. Many Omanis lived in Eastern and Central Africa until the Zanzibar revolution in 1964. However, as a result of this revolution, the accession of Sultan Qabus to the throne in 1970, as well as other factors, many Omanis in East Africa returned to their homeland of Oman. these Omanis played an important role in nation-building, which achieved modernization against a backdrop of petroleum revenue. These Omanis who claim a historical and social relationship with Africa are called Zanjibari(s) (meaning people of Zanzibar) in Oman, and form a distinct social category. Unlike normal migrants, African Omanis are "return migrants", who are differentiated not only in the place they emigrated to, but also in their homeland. In spite of their high level of education and professional positions, there is a distorted view of African Omanis because of the intertwining issues of genealogy, blood relations and ethnicity, all of which influence their identity. In chapter 2, I explain the historical relationship between Oman and Zanzibar as the reasoning behind the African Omanis being called Zanjibaris. In chapter 3, after I solidify the concepts of "African Omani" and Zanjibari, and their interrelationship, I examine the formation and representation of the social category called Zanjibari. In addition, I deal with the cultural elements which perpetuate the social boundary and which keep these two groups of Omanis separated. Although the term Zanjibari is often used in Omani daily life, African Omanis do not refer to themselves as such. Therefore, I use the term Zanjibari when discussing names as they are used by native Omanis, and the phrase "African Omani" when I describe these people objectively. The word Zanjibari indicates a social category created by native Omanis as a result of their contact with these Africa Omanis after 1970. In other words African Omanis are perceived as "Others", despite the fact that they are Omani nationals. The cultural characteristics which native Omanis use in order to differentiate themselves from African Omanis include their maternal blood, their knowledge of Swahili and their food culture. This is attributed to the fact that most African Omanis are of mixed blood, speak Swahili as their mother tongue, and prefer Swahili food. In chapter 4, by examining African Omanis' consciousness and their reaction toward being labeled Zanjibari by native Omanis, I consider the "Arabness" of their politics and identity. First, I categorize African Omanis' consciousness into two main types according to the results of my interviews: type A-those who express a self-consciousness of being Zanjibari, although they do not positively insist on their self-identity as Zanjibari ; type B-those who do not express a self-consciousness of being Zanjibari. Type B can be further divided into three groups: 1) those who insist that Zanjibari in the Omani context is not correct Arabic, and therefore, Zanjibaris to which native Omanis refer have never existed in Oman; 2) those who accept the existence of Zanjibaris but insist that they do not belong to this group themselves; and 3) those who admit that they are considered Zanjibaris, but deny that they themselves are actually Zanjibari. Then, I analyze these four assertions from the viewpoints of generation and blood. Type B-1 and 2 are not of mixed blood and belong to the younger generation,

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This paper explores the Islamization of the Sama Dilaut in Semporna District, Sabah, Malaysia. It seeks to understand the historical process of Islamization by situating the process in the broader social and political contexts of Malaysia, where Islam has been the subject of political attention and, therefore, highly institutionalized, or "officialized". Islamization as considered here includes the process in which people gain acceptance as Muslims within the local society. The paper is based on historical and ethnographic data collected between 1997 and 1999 in a Sama Dilaut village in Semporna. The Sama Dilaut constitute a subgroup of Sama-speaking populations. Their settlements are situated on both sides of the Malaysia-Philippine border; one cluster is in Semporna, and the other in the Sulu Archipelago, the Philippines. Although the Sama Dilaut in both countries began to convert to Islam in the 1940s-1950s, they continued to be considered "illegitimate" Muslims by neighboring Muslim groups such as the Tausug or the Sama Deyaq. This was due to the myth that Allah had once cursed the Sama Dilaut, thus disqualifying them from the status of "correct" Muslims. In Sulu, the Sama Dilaut remain marginalized in religious (as well as political) arenas, as the sad myth is still prevalent among local Muslims. In Semporna, however, the Sama Dilaut's status as Muslims became increasingly acknowledged after the 1970s, and today they are generally accepted as members of the local Muslim society. What were the socio-political circumstances surrounding Islam that enabled the Sama Dilaut to gain general recognition as Muslims in Semporna? How have they become "correct" Muslims? These questions form the basis of the present study. Soon after independence, Malaysian federal and state government enlarged or newly established a variety of official Islamic institutions and began to commit themselves directly to Islamic affairs. With Islamic revivalism, called dakwah, prevailing in the 1970s, the governments' commitments to Islam became stronger and more comprehensive than ever before. Islam was thus "officialized" throughout Malaysia. Present-day Sabah was under British colonial jurisdiction from the end of the nineteenth century through 1963. Sabah gained independence as a state within Malaysia in 1963. Direct government involvement in Islamic affairs here started relatively late. It was not until 1971 that the first official Islamic institution, the Sabah Islamic Council, or MUIS, was established Since it emulated the system already organized in Peninsular Malaysia, MUIS was able to institutionalize an administrative system effectively and rapidly. By the 1950s in Semporna, local Muslims attributed Islamic legitimacy to the Sulu Muslim society, where the Islamic sultanate had long flourished. Muslim intellectuals of Sulu origin thus held prominence in local religious affairs. The situation changed drastically at the end of the colonial era. In 1960, a native political leader built the first Islamic school in Semporna. He appointed a Melayu religious intellectual from the Malay Peninsula as its headmaster. In the 1970s, the MUIS branch in Semporna began to take charge of all local Islamic affairs. It appointed village religious leaders and integrated them into its religious bureaucracy. In running religious schools, it employed peninsular Melayu intellectuals as teachers and, later, local graduates of the state religious schools. As the "officialization" of Islam progressed, the Muslim society in Semporna was segregated from the Islamic order of Sulu and incorporated into that of Malaysia. Religious professionals of official standing and MUIS came to represent Islamic authority. The district's socio-religious order was consequently reformed to align with a dichotomous notion of Islam where anything official was more

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In Latin America, much literature on gender and socio-economic change has been produced in these decades, and most of it has focused on the change in the gender division of work in the household, or the women's status versus the men's, while women's participation in the labor market has increased. However, gender and development terms like "equality of man and woman" and "development", which have traditionally been viewed from the perspective of Western definitions, are now being re-examined by "third-world women" from their own cultural perspectives. This has presented another perspective of seeing gender as an important factor that constitutes social change and, at the same time, a factor that can change by itself. But to see the complex relations between persons, we need to examine not only the relation of women and men, but also kinship relations such as those between parent and child. In this paper, whole focusing on the new phenomenon of women paying for the construction of houses in a rural village in Mexico, I present the process of how interaction occurs amid the social changes and social norms for a wife or daughter, and at the same time how this builds a new relation between wife and husband, and parent and child. Recently, in the community of Santa Cruz, a municipality of Huejutla, a Nauatl indigenous village in the Huasteca region of the state of Hidalgo, Mexico, the production of corn as subsistence agriculture is being replaced by wage earning activities which call for labor migration to big cities. In Santa Cruz, the residence of a new couple is generally patrilocal and they have the tradition of male inheritance. The gender division of labor is clearer than that of neighboring towns, and women in the village, except for a few professionals, have little chance to earn the same level of income as men. The migration to cities increased in scale during the 1980's, and now most of the young people in the village have labor experience in cities such as Guadalajara and Monterrey. Among the urban migrants from Santa Cruz, more than 90% of the women work as live-in domestic workers, and two out of three men work on construction as bricklayers. The average wages of young men and women is almost equal or just slightly higher for men. Domestic workers, however, do not need to pay for their food or rent, which means that women are usually able to save more money than men. In Santa Cruz, the family unit, or a kalpixketl in Nauatl, is a group of people who live together and share a hearth, the people of a kalpixketl are expected to help each other. When a daughter gets married, she leaves the kalpixketl of her parent for that of her husband. For a young couple, constructing their own house means creation of their own kalpixketl and independence from the parents of the husband. In recent years the houses in the village have changed from the traditional style made of low cost, natural materials such as wood, bamboo and mud, to that of modern concrete blocks separated into several rooms. The new houses are sturdier but construction costs have risen radically. Now it is difficult to pay for construction if one is not employed outside the village. In Santa Cruz, traditionally providing a house was one of the roles of a man as husband or father, but lately many wives migrate to cities with their husbands to earn the building funds, and many unmarried daughters in the workforce send money to their parents to help cover the construction costs. When a wife pays for the construction from her own wages, many of them say, "I also worked to help my husband", but both the wife and the husband recognize the property rights of the wife. The experiences of the woman who has worked by herself in the house of employers, living separately from her in-laws, also affect the relation of the couple. But the mothers, who work in the city

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The concern with "media" has greatly increased over the last decade in Anglo-American anthropology. This growing interest in media has opened the way for "media anthropology", an emergent sub-field of sociocultural anthropology. This paper first examines the concept of media, and then critically reviews the two prevalent kinds of Anglo-American media anthropology. The purpose of the paper is to clarify the scope of media anthropology and to provide a new framework for future studies. Chapter two takes up the concept of "media". First, I examine the concept of media and define it broadly as "something people use as a means of encoding, transmitting, decoding, storing, or converting socially significant information". Secondly, I focus on "mass media", that is, newspapers, TV, radio, and other print and electronic media, because in Anglo-American anthropology, and for that matter in Japanese anthropology, the recent concern has been almost exclusively with mass media. Most Anglo-American anthropologists equate the word "media" with the term "mass media"; I would, however, like to make a distinction between the two, as stated above, and to take into consideration forms of media other than mass media. Broadly speaking, media theorists recognize four major forms of media : oral language, written symbol systems, print media, and electronic media. As a sub-field of the discipline with perspectives on the history of humankind, media anthropology should take all these major forms into consideration and recognize the particular characteristics of each of these forms, even if the focus is on mass media. Thirdly, I introduce the model of social communication proposed by Toshiro TAKEUCHI to clarify the scope of media anthropology. TAKEUCHI provides four ideal types of social communication in terms of anonymity of participants in communication : interpersonal communication, club (or small group) communication, organizational communication, and public communication. TAKEUCHI's model is, I think, more exhaustive than models given by other communication theorists because he does not connect each type of communication (e.g. public communication) with a particular type of medium (e.g. mass media), as other theorists often do. Using his model, we can take an overall view of carious types of communication, such as interpersonal communication by electronic media, or public communication by oral language, both of which have been frequently ignored by other theorists. I would like to include the use of mass media as a means of interpersonal communication, club communication, or organizational communication, among the scope of media anthropology. It is also important to take into account social communication by various other media that grows out of mass media (e.g. media fandom). Chapter three critically reviews the two prevalent kinds of Anglo-American media anthropology. For convenience, I would like to call one of them "Media Anthropology I", and then other "Media Anthropology II". Media Anthropology I, that has been emerging since the 1990s, comprises "ethnographically informed, historically grounded, and context-sensitive analyses of the ways in which people use and make sense of media technologies". I argue that cultural studies, especially those works by British scholars such as Raymond WILLIAMS and Stuart HALL have provided the prevalent framework for Media Anthropology I, while other media studies have been almost completely ignored. The concern with mass media as an object of anthropological study is, as stated above, only a recent affair. Media Anthropology II, however, emerged as early as the 1970s. It can be defined as a field "that synthesizes aspects of journalism and anthropology for the explicit purpose of sensitizing as many of Earth's citizens as possible to

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The purpose of this paper is to explore how Melanesia, which consists of Fiji, Irian Jaya, New Caledonia, Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu, and people living in these countries and regions are represented in contemporary Japanese television programs. There are quite a few studies on representations of Melanesia and its people in Japanese mass media. Hisafumi Saito, for instance examined several newspaper articles and books, issued between the late 1980s and early 1990s, which focused on the people of Papua New Guinea, and reported that most of the articles described the people by using the terms genshi-jidai (primitive age), sekki-jidai (stone age) and razoku (naked tribe). Lindsey Powell, on the other hand, discussed a television program entitled Hikyo'o To Nippon Kokan Seikatsu (Exchange Program between a Secluded Place and Japan which aired in September 1999, and pointed out that he program presented the Alamblak of East Sepik, Papua New Guinea as if they ere totally isolated from the "modern world" and were still living very primitive lives. Following these pioneering works, this paper takes forty-four television programs, including the one that Powell discussed, as its resource material. These programs were aired on NHK General, NHK Satellite Two, Fuji TV, TBS and TV Asahi between January 1998 and November 2002. Most of them, including Hikyo'o To Nippon Kokan Seikatsu, can be classified as "entertainment" or "variety shows", - "documentaries" are few. These programs tended to focus on rural areas of Irian Jaya, Papua New Guinea and Vanuatu, and people who wore "traditional clothes" such as grass skirts and penis case. And similar to the cases reported by Saito and Powell, they depicted the areas as isolated from the modern world and the people as still living pre-modern lives by using the terms hikyo'o (secluded place), mikai (uncivilized), buzoku (tribe), razoku and so on which are frequently used with negative connotations. On the other hand, things and effects from the modern world were carefully obscured from the scenes. It should also be noted that a number of the programs had scenes in which local people wearing traditional clothes were threatening or attacking Japanese visitors with bows and arrows, clubs and spears. Concerning these programs, local people were presented not only as those who were isolated from the modern world but also as "wild savages". By contrast, the programs that focused on people living in urban areas, for instance, were rare, though cities and towns do exist in every country and region in Melanesia and the urban population is no longer a negligible percentage of the total population. As Edward W. Said has already shown in his works such as Orientalism and Covering Islam, every representation is constructed under the influence of preceding ones. This is also obvious in the case of the television programs examined here. For instance, four different programs that took up the Kolowai of Irian Jaya were aired one after another between May 1998 and May 1999. They focused particularly on those people who wore grass skirts and penis wrappers, and described them with the terms genshi (primitive), hikyo'o, okuchi (back-wood), and sekki-jidai. One of the programs was referring to an article that appeared in National Geographic Magazine Japanese Version which had been published in February 1996. The article also took up the Kolowai wearing grass skirts and penis wrappers by using the terms and the expressions such as "primitive people", "the forest people refusing the outside world", etc. Thus, it is obvious that the representations of the Kolowai appearing in the television programs were constructed under the influence of the preceding descriptions presented in the article. Incidentally, the article's author was not an

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Two decades have passed since anthropologists began to recognize and discuss a crisis in the representation of cultural others. Despite its significance, the focus of this text-critical debate has been on completed work, while little has been said about the production processes of these representations, whether they be visual or literal, aesthetic or scientific. If we investigate, more consciously, the conflicts and compromises between authors/artists and the social limitations imposed on them, more practical guidance can be expected for anthropologists as the authors of ethnographies in particular contexts. In this paper, I focus on a Japanese TV documentary program that was made in an area where I still continue fieldwork intermittently, and whose producers contacted me before going to the location. My aim is to clarify the production process in the present situation of Japanese mass media targeting the general public. I also examine the general relationship between Japanese media and the audience, and confirm the basic principles for anthropology in the media-saturated society of Japan. The program in question focused on life in a fishing village in Madagascar, and reported unconfirmed information that was in fact false, according to the author's research. This information was developed into a major storyline, magnifying a false position: the subjects' spoken words were translated into Japanese subtitles which were not in accord with what was actually said. For example, a Christian hymn was converted into a song in praise of abundant sea fruit. Other subtitles, referring to the abundance of the sea, or to the significance of family bonds, did not correspond to the actual simultaneous speech, which mentioned neither abundance nor family bonds. These mistranslations, seemingly harmless in themselves, served to lead the audience to the producers' opinion, which was clearly expressed in the following narration; Changes arrive, just like winds, on the coast of Madagascar as equally as elsewhere. Many villagers gave up fishing and began to live in the towns. The number of those who travel from island to island to follow schools of fish is getting smaller and smaller. [Despite the trends,] Mr.Z (pseudonym) and his brothers and sisters chose to gather together as one family, hoping to be together always if possible. To be with the sea and breeze, to pray and talk with spirits - such simple living was the very thing that Mr.Z and his family believed would unify them. The narration thus insisted that Mr.Z's attachment to the sea and his family had made him choose to be a fisherman against the social currents. However, fishermen have not actually decreased in number in this area; indeed, I have witnessed a remarkable increase in the number of young fishermen. In addition, the number of seasonal migrants to the islands has increased because the migrants can get a large quantity of shark fins and sea cucumbers around the uninhabited islands there for Chinese buyers. I cannot avoid concluding that Mr.Z was just following an ordinary life course, and not going against the current. Two major factors led to improprieties in the reporting. One was logistical: the limited funding and time alloted for collecting materials and background information. The TV camera crews in question went to Madagascar to scout locations only four months before going on-air, spending 16 days to find them, about three weeks in staff meetings and arrangements back in Japan, and 29 days on location. Thereafter, some days were required for editing during the seven weeks before going on-air. Considering the distance from Japan to Madagascar, and the inconvenient transport from the capital airport to the filming location, the crews were cutting corners to meet the limited production period. However, production companies are obliged to reduce the location costs and production period because the

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