This article, which focuses on a Cantonese village in the Pearl River Delta in Guangdong Province, provides an ethnographic description of a series of rituals performed from the moment of imminent death to the day when the tombstone is set up at the grave and the soul tablet is installed. It also provides an ethnographic account of how the reform policies of the Chinese Communist Party (hereafter cited as the CCP) have affected the actual practices of funeral rites. Since the founding of the People's Republic of China, the CCP has implemented various funeral reforms. The CCP attempted to reduce the expenditures that "traditional" funeral rites require and to remove "superstitious" elements that may interfere with communist ideology. First, I describe the process of the funerary rites based on the ethnographic data I collected during my fieldwork. In particular I follow the death of an eighty-six year old man. At the moment this man breathed his last breath, his daughters, granddaughters, and daughter-in-laws began wailing, which indicated the beginning of mourning practices. The corpse handlers (ng zong lou) were called to move the corpse to the main room and change the clothing of the deceased to a long black dress. The mourners put on mourning dresses (hao fug) appropriate to their kinship relations with the deceased. Other relatives or friends started to come in the evening to pay their last respects to the deceased and to express their condolences. A Taoist priest (nam mou lou) was called to "read the text" for the deceased. The mourners within the fifth degree of kin relation to the deceased stayed with the deceased all night long. At day break his sons performed a ritualized bathing (mai seu) of the corpse. In the afternoon of the second day, the staff of the crematorium arrived at the house. They arranged the coffin, put the corpse in it and carried it to the car which took the corpse to the crematorium center. The villagers had requested that the funeral procession not travel through the residential areas. After the cremation, the corpse handlers were called in again to bury the ashes in a grave whose site was determined by the geomancer (fung-seu xin-sang). A few days after the burial, the mourners performed the rite of wen guei in which offerings are presented to the guei, or the spirit of the deceased that retained an evil nature. In the rite of sam ced, preformed on the twenty-first day after death, the mourners burned spirit-money, a paper house, and paper clothing for the deceased, and held a banquet. A tombstone was set up at the grave and a soul tablet was installed. It should be noted that traditionally all children are supposed to offer a soul tablet. However, in this case, two sons did not install a tablet for their father. In particular the forth son, the principal of a junior high school and the father of an official working at the Panyu district office, showed a negative attitude to "syoerstutuiys" practices such as hiring a Taoist priest and burying the ashes. The main object of the funeral rites today is to remove a corpse from the community, to properly bury the ashes after cremation, and to transform the deceased to an ancestor - the subject of worship in tomb and tablet. Through such a transformation, the deceased becomes a symbol of the eternity of patrilineal descent, and an individual death is finally settled. To what extent have funeral rituals been transformed? Recently the number of funeral goods such as paper objects, incense and joss are increasing, and the scale of the banquets held during funerals is expanding year after year contrary to the CCP's funeral reform policy. Taoist priests and the corpse handlers are still hired. People follow the CCP's reform policy and cremate the dead but bury the ashes in graves on the village hillside against the CCP's policy. In other words,

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This paper examines how national identity has been embodied in the postwar period, paying special attention to the relationship between nationalism and localism through a case study of the spread of soccer. I focus on Shimizu, a city in Japan famous as a city of soccer. According to recent studies of the formation processes of Japanese national identity in the prewar period, a consciousness of being "Japanese" had been naturalized through a modern Japanese representation system. However, even though such nationalism was pervasive at a "discourse" level, it was not completely accepted at a "bodily" level. There were more complicated processes in a practical sense, as seen in the study of undoukai, or sports gatherings. Rather, it is appropriate to think that nationalism has pervaded the body in the postwar period since Japan restarted as a democratic state. The first reason is that a new compulsory education system substantially brought almost all "nations" to become the objects of national scrutiny and reform. Second, The industrial structural change caused by the high-growth economic development induced superficial change in local bodily practices closely related to local economic activities. However, this has not been examined sufficiently in case studies to date. In order to verify that nationalism has pervaded Japan at a bodily level since 1945, I examine the localization of sports which are generally regarded as voluntary bodily practices. Among sports, I especially focus on soccer, because soccer is the most popular sport in the world and the World Cup can be used for a study of nationalism. Shimizu is a coastal industrial city developed during the modernization of Japan and historically formed a locality of shinshu no kiho, or an enterprising spirit, by accepting continual inflows of people and capital. Based on this locality, in the industrial structural change after the period of high-growth economic development, local people found soccer well worth investing in. However, soccer in Shimizu was not realized as a venture sport from the beginning. Its activity began from a locally oriented rivalry with an "elite" high school in another school district famous for its excellent soccer team developed under the tradition of the idea of bunbu-ryoudou, or being both a good warrior and a good scholar. In order to win against this school, the project of building a local system raising elite soccer players was started. Elementary school, the project of building a local system raising elite soccer players was started. Elementary school teachers introduces this system with support from some local elites in the industrial and political world. Watching new trends for large industries to create job openings for soccer specialists and for the Japan Football Association to start a project for elite soccer education, school teachers and their supporters used a newly created system of shounendan, or "junior sports clubs" under the national guidance of "social education" to build a local elite soccer system from elementary school to high school. A shounendan set for each school district could give space for new movements apart from restrictions in "schools" and in chounaikai, or neighborhood associations. What made building such a local system possible was popular sentiment after economic growth where egalitarianism in school education was criticized as hypocrisy and meritocracy was supported instead. The possibility of social rise by the "bodily" resource has been ideologically interpreted by a national elitist assessment implied in bunbu-ryoudou, though in practice ambiguously defined. In this current time of increasing delinquency, teachers who voluntarily took on the job of coaching in a shounendan were also expected to play a role in disciplining and supervising students' behavior after

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This study aims to examine an alternative model of communality and to contribute a new anthropological perspective to the well-known controversy between the communitarians and the libertarians. The 1990s saw the final victory of liberty and freedom over other social principles and became the only and ultimate goal for the contemporary world order. The subject of liberty produces powerful discourse in the fields of politics, sexuality and economics. Today, for example, one superpower nation can justify sending troops to a foreign country to secure liberty. This liberty-centered orientation is accused of promoting anarchism and being a possible base for a new form of despotism. Those who share this criticism pay much attention to the virtues of community and insist that each individual should be contextualised and re-situated in the community so that anarchism caused by personal liberty can be well controlled. In this communitarian-libertarian controversy, the two camps seem, in fact, to be opposed to each other, but they have a similar opinion of community and communality. This study, however, will bring forth cultural anthropological insights based on ethnographic data from everyday lives in Nairobi that will add a new perspective to the controversy on community and communality. First, this study introduces the logic of everyday lives as a key to understanding the community. Ariga, a pioneer rural sociologist in modern Japan, developed a dynamic and refined model for everyday lives in the rural village, using such concepts as everyday life organisation, formation and logic. He removed creativity from the model for ordinary villagers' everyday lives and regenerated the modernist paradigm of a Japanese rural village. This study tries to revitalise Ariga's everyday-life-centered perspective and to substantiate the role of the community. Second, both communitarians and libertarians have regarded the community as fixed, static and an essentialised entity. Libertarians criticise the community of violating individual human rights through excessive interference. Communitarians, on the other hand, defend this interference pointing out that belonging to his/her own community gives each individual a social identity. This study, however, approaches a community as a chainging, flexible entity. It not only changes memberships but is also constantly updating rules and norms. This dynamic character of a community is illustrated in the everyday lives of Maragoli migrants in Nairobi. Third, some communitarians as well as number of libertarians support an emergent coalition model of social categorisation/grouping as evidence of a breakthrough of the aporia of communitarianism and liberalism. This model postulates that individual subjects can create solidarity without belonging to an established category or collective identity. But this study shows this model is far from the reality of actual everyday life. In Nairobi the members of a certain community maintain its fixed boundary and give it cultural legitimacy rather than discarding or rejecting essentialised categories. Once they accept the idea of extension of the community, they incorporate strangers by ritually transforming them into legitimate members. This study clarifies this complicated process of re-imagining the community.

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This paper attempts to re-examine the concept of community, based on narratives on "ties" expressed by the second-generation Maghrebi-French living in the banlieue of Paris. The formal discourse of the French Republic reads that the "social ties of citizens" bound to "social contracts" between individuals, who do not differ from one another in the "public space", should be the only correct form of community. The French "of colour" including Maghrebi-French, however, are being visualised as an "ethnic community" violating "public space". These double-edged definitions of communities also shape the reality of people's lives, especially in the changing and organising of the maghrebin's living spaces. In this paper, I analyse the narratives of second-generation Maghrebi-French, who literally speak of "our community" and "I am out of our community", and their spatial practices. The Maghrebin moved from bidonville, the slum, to habitations a loyer modere (HLM), the social collective housing, in the banlieue, according to an integration policy. They were to settle in an urban space, with each of their houses to be used as a mould for shaping a socially normalised life and to form family units where people with diverse origins, as "individuals", were to enjoy the "social mixture", as opposed to forming an "ethnic community". At that time the peripheral HLM zone, cite, discoursed as a zone for immigrant families, was described as "a ghettoising zone to display the communal difference" detached from the social ties between citizens. Yet, now, those zones are marginalised as places still to be "civil-ised", where we find a vision for an "ethnic community without a distinction between public and private" and people who are visualised as marginalised citizens. Having clarified these points, I analyse the narratives and spatial practices of Maghrebi-French living in the banlieue of Paris where and with whom I conducted my fieldwork. In my analysis, I use Marc Auge's concept of "non-place/place" and Michel de Certeau's "space" as the place of practice for the keys to my discussion. With the "space" where people carry out face-to-face relations in the city as an anonymous "non-place" as my central concer, I analyse the "ties" of the second-generation Maghrebi-French to clarify the shape of the living and lived community. Each of the self-representational narratives of the second-generation Maghrebi-French tries to define them in the image of French citizens, differentiating themselves from their parents and alienating "the culture of the community of one's origin". The narratives, at the same time, refer to the communities as practical face-to-face relations in their living spaces. Therefore, I first examine their narrative of "our 'ties'". As a part of their life histories, they narrated the story of their movement from bidonville to HLM as their "deracinated" experience from their "own community". Through my analysis, I indicate that there is a practice to define the limited living space of bidonville as "our territory", on one hand, and schools and spaces shared with their French friends as the "outside" world of the former, on the other hand. Also, I point out that the mixed nature of "our community" which was formed within the "closed space" through their interfacial relations with neighbours and friends in "compatoriotic" relationships. Then, I discuss how this community is different from the homogeneous "ethnic community". Secondly, defining the mixed space of HLM as a "non-place" since it is narrated as a "closed and not mixing relation,

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The purpose of this paper is to consider the principles behind the creation of collaboration through observing the practice of cooperative customs in everyday life, called sunulum and che, in the village society in Cheju-do. The terms sunulum and che which are used in Cheju-do are more commonly knowm as pumashi and kie in the studies of Korean village society. The history of these studies shows us that pumashi is an equal exchange system of labor and kie is a traditional organization for the cooperation of money and requisites. Also, this paper concludes that such customs are remnants from the past and disappearing under social change. In the village society in Cheju-do where I have carried out my fieldwork since 1994, social change has affected the cooperative customs by making them more varied in styles. In the village the people have various explanations about the customs. People however, have not had the use of homogeneous definitions nor been equally concerned with the customs. Therefore, I can't reduce these explanations to a unitary model. I do know, however, that people have constructed various forms of collaboration and reconstructed previous ones according to their everyday needs. One can view these collaborations as a process in life in which people choose to reconstruct existent life styles to live their own lives. This same point of view is found in the history of village studies [Nakano 1966 ; Aruga 1968a, 1971 ; Torigoe (ed) 1989]. Their perspectives suggest that we recognize a certain autonomy in the practices of everyday life. In the studies of socioeconomic history the perspective of "Moral Economy" is also a useful viewpoint because it suggests we consider customs in a socioeconomic context which opens up discussions on economic factors and their relation to customs. [Tomobe 1990 ; Ukiha 1992]. The concept of "a livelihood sphere constructed by people" [Shinno 1983] also connects with the perspectives of "Moral Economy". On the basis of these points of view, this paper examines, explains and notes the behavior of the people of Cheju-do as they join in various reconstructed cooperative customs. Though everyday lives have been affected by social and economic change, various collaborative styles of che and sunulum have been not only a means to participation in capitalism but also in the fields to share a communal experience that reaches beyond the world of capitalism. People gathering for che or sunulum talk about their own everyday life, family, work, physical condition and so on. Through these cooperative customs people share not only the labor but also each other's reality. Among the various cooperative customs, "Che for sowing garlic" began in the 1990s. Garlic has been an important good in the capitalistic economy since the 1980s. "Che for sowing garlic" is not a sustained style but a reconstructed one. Before "che for sowing garlic" there was "che for weeding". Both che are different from the traditional model. Their cooperative styles are mixture of che and sunulum. "Che for weeding" differs from "che for sowing garlic", however, in its socioeconomic background and management. When people cooperated in "che for weeding", they weeded each member's field and collected millet for members who had to go through rituals. "Che for weeding" was a practice initiated to cope with a lack of grain. After that, in the realities of aging and urbanization, people have mixed up the different principles for collaboration to develop sowing garlic. They have to sow almost all garlic quickly within the month of September. "Che for sowing garlic" was implemented to guarantee enough hands for the job and to save labor expenses. When I carried out my fieldwork in 2003, I learned that some of "che for sowing garlic" collaborations

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