Japanese Journal of Cultural Anthropology
Online ISSN : 2424-0516
Print ISSN : 1349-0648
ISSN-L : 1349-0648
Volume 73, Issue 4
Displaying 1-27 of 27 articles from this issue
  • Article type: Cover
    2009 Volume 73 Issue 4 Pages Cover1-
    Published: March 31, 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: August 21, 2017
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  • Article type: Cover
    2009 Volume 73 Issue 4 Pages Cover2-
    Published: March 31, 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: August 21, 2017
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  • Article type: Appendix
    2009 Volume 73 Issue 4 Pages App1-
    Published: March 31, 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: August 21, 2017
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  • Koki SEKI
    Article type: Article
    2009 Volume 73 Issue 4 Pages 477-498
    Published: March 31, 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: August 21, 2017
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    Global environmentalism, which is supported by such discourses as "sustainable development" and "biodiversity conservation," produces a certain regime of resource management, which in turn requires subjects to have the proper sense of obligation and responsibility as managers of nature. "Green neoliberalism" is a hegemonic ideology lying behind such a regime, in which "neocolonial conservationist ideas of enclosure and preservation and neoliberal notions of market value and optimal resource allocation find common cause" (Goldman 2004: 168, emphasis in original). Such a resource management regime can be described as a technology of late-modern governmentality, or eco-governmentality, under which people go through a process of discipline and normalization to become a "eco-rational" subjects. Using an anthropological approach to resource management, this paper focuses on the daily lives of the people that articulate the macro process of eco-governmentality and the micro process of people's local resource use. Based on a case study in Palawan, a province in the southwestern Philippines, it first discusses how a certain regime of coastal resource management, supported by several national laws and local ordinances, has had an immense effect on restricting and constraining the daily resource use of the village people. Through that process of institutionalization, the people have been left with no choice but to learn how to be "eco-rational" subjects in order to survive the "politics of resource use" (Eder and Fernandez 1996), that has permeated the whole province. The second part of the paper focuses on the agency of an "eco-rational" subject that translates the institution in order to contextualize it into the specific situation of local resource use. The national laws and institutions that presuppose a standardized idea of equitability and appropriateness are at times irrelevant and adversary to the local setting. The agencies of the resource users engage in social practices to translate and appropriate the institutions, so as to realize an alternative resource use based on those users' own notions of "equitability," "appropriateness," "acceptability," and "legitimacy" that are more embedded in the specific context of the community. Dealing with the interaction between the structure of a specific resource management regime and the agency of the resource users, this study goes on to look at the role of the community and social network in enabling the realization of alternative resource usage in the village. The community that facilitates such alternatives is neither a closely-bound homogeneous community nor a civil society with Western modernity as its background. Rather, the community in this case study contributes to criticizing and transcending the dichotomy of community vs. civil society, or intimate vs. public sphere. The study further suggests an alternative social space for people's practice interacting with the governmentality of a resource management regime. After an explanation of the basic hypothesis of the study, Chapter 2 of the paper particularly focuses on three aspects of the institutionalization process of the coastal resource management in a village in Palawan. First, the enforcement of RA 7160 (the Local Government Code of the Philippines) and RA 8550 (the Fisheries Code) delineated the boundary of the municipal waters, and declared certain fishing activities illegal that were presumed to harm the marine environment. Due to that process, a number of villagers lost their livelihood. Secondly, owing to the delineation of the boundary of municipal waters and the resultant encroachment of the resources within it, an inter-municipal conflict began to intensify for coastal resources among the fishermen. The fishermen who reside in

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  • Atsuro MORITA
    Article type: Article
    2009 Volume 73 Issue 4 Pages 499-509
    Published: March 31, 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: August 21, 2017
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  • Keiichiro MATSUMURA
    Article type: Article
    2009 Volume 73 Issue 4 Pages 510-534
    Published: March 31, 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: August 21, 2017
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    This paper examines how multiple relationships in rural Ethiopia are visualized by the various arrangements of persons, things, and places that constitute the social contexts. I argue that communality based on multilayered relations in the research village is constructed and realized through the accountability of people's everyday practices, although the social relationships - such as clans, kinship groups and ethnic groups - have long been considered as an enduring ground for anthropological descriptions. This argument also leads to a reconsideration of the concept of "community/communality" as well as "the social." My field research was conducted in a coffee-growing village in the Gomma area in southwestern highland Ethiopia. In the research village, the local Oromo people live together with several other ethnic groups. Since the beginning of the 20th century, the northern Amhara settled in this area after the conquest by the Ethiopian empire. In 1974, the imperial government broke down and was replaced by a socialist regime. Some commercial plantations built around the village in the late 1950s and 1960s were all confiscated by the government and integrated into a newly-established coffee state farm. Since then, many migrant workers and coffee pickers, especially the Kullo from the south, have increasingly flowed into this area, and some later settled in the village. There are several social membership categories mentioned in the village: religions (Muslim, Christian), areas (Gomma, Jimma, etc.), ethnic groups (Oromo, Amhara, etc.), and so on. The people usually refer to one of them as an appropriate framework to understand and explain their interactions and situation. They don't always act as members of an ethnic group, but behave differently according to other category's norms. The term "cohesiveness" is employed here to indicate those membership categories that remind people of their unity at a certain moment. In section II, I explain how people belong to different social groups and develop multiple relations. Most of the local Oromo are Muslim (72%), while many of the migrant Oromo, the Amhara, and the Kullo are Ethiopian Orthodox Christian (27.2%). The villagers belong to social groups according to their religions, such as the church association known as senbete or the Muslim women's association known as dalama. At the same time, they act as members of other groups and form their relations regardless of religion or ethnicity, such as in the cooperative for funeral and financial support known as iddir. The cohesiveness provoked in certain contexts is replaced by another in different settings of persons, things and places. The cohesiveness constructed at various occasions gives people the opportunity to have multiple relations beyond the boundaries of village, settlements, ethnic groups, and religions.In section III, I focus on those potentially multiple relations among the villagers. In a village, villagers' dyadic relations are symbolized through gatherings to drink coffee. People always invite their neighbors to drink coffee together, regardless of their ethnicity or religion, except on bad terms. Through them, the villagers can clearly find out how the dyadic relations between neighbors are kept or changed. Gathering to drink coffee is a device to visualize the relationships between villagers and make them understandable, and in some degree predictable, not just for other villagers but also for themselves. Those coffee-drinking relations are not stable, but are frequently disrupted by trivial frictions. In section IV, I analyze how such relations are stopped and restarted. One case study shows that coffee relations, once breached, are restored by means of other dyadic relations, such as at religious festivals or during post-natal rituals. Those settings provide villagers the chance to interact with one another

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  • Juntaro FUKADA
    Article type: Article
    2009 Volume 73 Issue 4 Pages 535-559
    Published: March 31, 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: August 21, 2017
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    In the Tolai society of Papua New Guinea, shell money called tabu is used for a wide range of purposes, such as the payment of bride money, taxes, school tuition, or admission fee to secret societies. How is it possible to understand a situation when one currency acquires different sets of meaning and performs effective roles? In order to approach that question, this paper draws on a theoretical perspective developed in the field of ethnomethodology. Ethnomethodological studies have argued that things and practices constitute a particular set of meaning in a way that is publicly comprehensible and "accountable" to participants. For instance, shells become a kind of currency if participants coordinately view and account them as such. It is not necessary, according to the ehnomethodological framework, to presuppose that things and practices have their own innate meaning; instead, their meaning is always observable and publicly comprehensible. As long as there is a certain degree of shared, not separate, understanding, or as long as things and practices exist in a publicly ordered, recognizable and accountable configuration, their meaning will arise. The notion of the context provides an important insight in analyzing conditions under which a particular situation becomes accountable. Things and practices are considered meaningful when situated within their relevant contexts. (For example, shells are recognized as medium of exchange when placed in a context of purchasing goods). In the field of economic anthropology, it has been assumed that the context exists prior to the practices people perform, as if it were shaping them with its predetermined order and goal. Economic anthropologists have often used a spatial metaphor of "spheres," which suggests that the context, as expressed in the language of "spheres," exists in a way spatially detached and excluded from actual practices and people who perform them. By contrast, this paper argues that the context does not exist in isolation from or prior to practices. It rather emphasizes the continual process in which practices form the context as one of its components. Things and practices indeed acquire their effective meaning when situated in a particular context; at the same time, such context is generated and made visible by individual practices. (Shells are recognized, for instance, as a medium of exchange only within a context of purchasing goods, but people would recognize the situation as a context of commercial trade only when shells are exchanged for goods). This paper will demonstrate the reflexive, generative process in which the currency is transformed into an accountable object endowed with a specific set of meaning while its contexts and practices generate accountable meaning for one another. My analysis will focus on the funerary use of tabu in the Tolai society. At the time of a funeral, the Tolai people use tabu in different settings as a way to mark their respect to the deceased, display their wealth, maintain their kin ties, or even purchase ice cream to quench their thirst. I will describe the method and process through which each practice of using tabu, situated within its relevant context, gradually acquires effective meaning. In my analysis and description, I especially focus on commonalities and differences in "performing" separate practices of using tabu. Subtle differences are observed in the forms of tabu (short/long, untied/bottled/loloi), or in its various treatments (handed in/thrown out, recorded/unrecorded). Depending on whether those subtle "cues" are shared or not, the individual practices of using tabu are associated with, or disassociated from, the events that precede or follow each practice, or the people, things, and places that are related to it. For example, the practice of throwing out tabu on a funeral site, when performed by those wearing

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  • Atsuro MORITA
    Article type: Article
    2009 Volume 73 Issue 4 Pages 560-585
    Published: March 31, 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: August 21, 2017
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    In my encounters with Japanese engineers in Bangkok who are working for technology-transfer projects with Thai engineers and mechanics, I often hear complaints about the unpredictable behavior of their Thai counterparts. As the projects progress, most Japanese engineers begin to feel uncertain about them for the same reason. Some of them refer to "Thai culture" to explain the uncertainty of the situation. Technical practices are murky to laymen. It is quite difficult for laymen to understand what mechanics do, or even to know what they see when they solve technical problems. However, the complaints of Japanese engineers suggest that what renders engineering practice intelligible is not universal rationality. In this paper, I will discuss how the world of Thai engineering practice becomes accountable to mechanics, focusing particularly on the role of the visible orders of people and objects shaped in the practice. Thai indigenous engineering was founded in the late 19th century by Cantonese immigrants trained in rice mills owned by Westerners. The economic development since the 1960s brought about drastic changes in the industry. During those decades, the development of the machine industry was stimulated by the expanding demand for auto repairs and farm equipment in rural areas. Although most factories were small and medium-sized enterprises, and most of the workers received no formal engineering education, the industry survived after the entry of multinational factories in the 1980s. The indigenous machine industry still continues to supply machines and implements to agriculture and local industries up to the present. In the world of indigenous engineering practice, technical, collective and personal things are related in rather strange ways. Machine parts, poultry manure, the rotation speed of the blade in the machine, etc., are all related in the design process of the farm equipment. They gradually form ordered relations in the mechanics' vision as the work of designing progresses. The competent mechanics can see the rather messy situations they face as ordered and solvable questions similar to past cases. Thai mechanics see the problem of designing new machines for unfamiliar tasks, such as laying poultry manure on the field, as something similar to the problems that they solved before. By seeing this way, the mechanics relate the heterogeneous elements surrounding machines, such as poultry manure and the rotation speed of the blade in the machine, in an ordered way, as well as relating the present problem with past cases. On the other hand, seeing in technical practice also visualizes the human elements of the practice, that is, the ability of the mechanics. The appearance of work they have done represents their ability to work as mechanics. The visible appearance of the artifacts or movement of the machines indicates that their work has been successfully done, and that the mechanics have sufficient skills. Moreover, they can compare their skills with others according to those visible traces. On the shop floor, senior mechanics see the appearances of work done by apprentices to check their quality. At the same time, they also evaluate the abilities of the apprentices to perform those tasks. Visible traces that act as the basis of evaluation are produced repeatedly in work practice. Moreover, the accumulation of those visible traces gives rise to the skill hierarchy by which mechanics relate with each other. The formation of a skill hierarchy also mediates mechanics' personal or familial affairs with their collective occupational lives. The common future plan among Thai mechanics is to own one's own factory. It is widely perceived that the most realistic way to start a factory is to move back to the village where one's family (or one's wife's family) lives. Factories can be established at a relatively modest cost in the

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  • Osamu NAKAGAWA
    Article type: Article
    2009 Volume 73 Issue 4 Pages 586-609
    Published: March 31, 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: August 21, 2017
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    This paper explores the "unaccountability" of experience in a world that is becoming more accountable by examining the "economie solidaire" in France as a case study. "Economie solidaire" is a movement that tries to create a sphere of reciprocal exchange or gift economy in local communities, thereby trying to counter the spread of the market economy. I analyze this movement, which started in France in the 1980s, as an effort to construct a more accountable gift economy, and examine its consequences for its participants. In section I, I review a group of works that emphasizes the role of material devices in making social situations more objectively accountable. In this paper, I call such works "dispositif" studies, and try to clarify their features. The notion of "dispositif " (which may be translated as "device" in English) was introduced by Michel Foucault to designate a network of discursive and non-discursive (i.e. material) elements that render a specific type of cognition possible (e.g., about sexuality or madness). Foucault's idea has been inherited by newer theories, such as the "Actor-Network Theory" of Bruno Latour and Michel Callon, the "Convention Theory" of Laurent Thevenot, and the "Governmentality Study" of Nikolas Rose and Peter Miller. Those authors emphasize the importance of such material devices as standards and scales in scientific enterprises, market economy, or administration. To sum up, they demonstrate that: (1) Many social situations are becoming more accountable by virtue of the multiplication of "dispositifs. (2) These "dispositifs" make opaque and uncertain situations objectively intelligible and publicly accountable. (3) The process of "accountabilization" takes place not only in the market economy and neo-liberal administration, but also in protest movements such as the ecological movement or anti-capitalist movement, whose values are publicly justified with the aid of "dispositifs." We can say that "dispositif" studies have thus succeeded in capturing the process of "accountabilization." But they do not make clear the experience of people in that transformation process. I thus set that problem at the core of this paper, and examine it by analyzing the case of "economie solidaire" in France. In sections II and III, I look at "economie solidaire" in France and analyze it as a case of the "accountabilization" process. In section II, I describe the history of "economie solidaire" characterizing it as a reflexive process, i.e., a process in which a social practice is constructed referring to a social scientific theory. Sociologists such as Jean-Louis Laville interpret "economie solidaire" as a re-emergence of reciprocity in the post-welfare state era, following Michael Polanyi's idea. But that schematized interpretation is not just an interpretation, because it informs actors, who in turn form their practices according to it. Thus, in spite of the extreme diversity of "economie solidaire" in practice (ranging from care work for old people to local currency), most of them regard the construction of a reciprocal gift exchange and the creation of a social bond as their principle value. In section III, I look at a local currency association (SEL=systeme d'echange local in French) in southern France as example of "economie solidaire," and describe how this "SEL of the poor" constructs a new gift economy. As with other practices of "economie solidaire," this SEL association tries to create a sphere of reciprocal exchange, not only between those who suffer the social exclusion because of unemployment, but also with the richer people in the local community. The members of the association use the local currency

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  • [in Japanese]
    Article type: Article
    2009 Volume 73 Issue 4 Pages 610-613
    Published: March 31, 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: August 21, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Article type: Article
    2009 Volume 73 Issue 4 Pages 613-617
    Published: March 31, 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: August 21, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Article type: Article
    2009 Volume 73 Issue 4 Pages 617-620
    Published: March 31, 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: August 21, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Article type: Article
    2009 Volume 73 Issue 4 Pages 620-623
    Published: March 31, 2009
    Released on J-STAGE: August 21, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Article type: Article
    2009 Volume 73 Issue 4 Pages 624-627
    Published: March 31, 2009
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  • Article type: Appendix
    2009 Volume 73 Issue 4 Pages 628-632
    Published: March 31, 2009
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  • Article type: Appendix
    2009 Volume 73 Issue 4 Pages 633-
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  • Article type: Appendix
    2009 Volume 73 Issue 4 Pages 634-
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  • Article type: Appendix
    2009 Volume 73 Issue 4 Pages 635-637
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  • Article type: Appendix
    2009 Volume 73 Issue 4 Pages 637-
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  • Article type: Appendix
    2009 Volume 73 Issue 4 Pages 638-
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  • Article type: Appendix
    2009 Volume 73 Issue 4 Pages App2-
    Published: March 31, 2009
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  • Article type: Index
    2009 Volume 73 Issue 4 Pages i-iv
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  • Article type: Appendix
    2009 Volume 73 Issue 4 Pages App3-
    Published: March 31, 2009
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  • Article type: Appendix
    2009 Volume 73 Issue 4 Pages App4-
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  • Article type: Appendix
    2009 Volume 73 Issue 4 Pages App5-
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  • Article type: Cover
    2009 Volume 73 Issue 4 Pages Cover3-
    Published: March 31, 2009
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  • Article type: Cover
    2009 Volume 73 Issue 4 Pages Cover4-
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