The aim of this article is to investigate the relationship between customary law and modern law in Bhuta rituals in South India, focusing on litigations over shrine management as well as on the mutual communication between the divine spirits and the devotees in the ritual practices. Bhutas are divine spirits widely worshiped in the coastal areas of Karnataka, and the worship of them constitutes part of one of the ancient indigenous rituals in the region. Since the 1970s, foreign and indigenous folklorists and anthropologists have begun to study the ritual in detail. Most of those studies have mainly aimed at recording oral epics and analyzing ritual performances synchronically. Relatively few students of the ritual, however, have inquired deeply into its transformation in the wider social and political contexts. Contrary to the synchronic trend of the studies on Bhuta rituals, anthropologists studying Hindu temples in South India have focused on the institutional changes in the temples caused by bureaucratic centralization under colonial rule. From the early 19c, Bhuta shrines have also been transformed in various ways, and the development of the administrative bureaucracy and judiciary has caused conflicts and disputes among the devotees. However, when we shift our gaze to the mutual communication between the divine spirits and the worshippers involved in the ritual practices, we should realize that we cannot presuppose a transition of the Bhuta rituals from the realm of customary law and traditional institutions to the realm of modern law and state administration. On the one hand, the devotees, patrons and priests at Bhuta shrines participate in the realm of the modern judiciary and administration through their litigations over the management and trusteeship of the shrine. On the other hand, they frequently turn back to the realm of the traditional ritual practices governed by the sovereign agency of the divine spirits, an agency that emerges through possession and oracles. Through the mutual communication of such actors as the patrons, priests, other devotees and Bhutas in the ritual, their interrelationships-regulated by modern law-are converted into those arranged by customary law, or kattu, which is authorized by the Bhutas' divine agency. Based on the above theoretical perspective, this article deals with the Bhuta ritual in the village of Perar in Mangalore Taluk, Karnataka. The village has a Bhuta shrine (daivastaana) in which three Bhutas (namely, Barandi, Arasu and Pilichamundi) and a highly-placed Bhuta called Brahma, are enshrined. Chapter 2 considers the traditional institution ruled by customary law (kattu) in the Bhuta shrine in Perar. The shrine is administered by the guttu, that is, the manor houses of the village. There are 16 guttu in Perar, 12 of which belong to those of the Okkelaklu caste. Priests called mukkaldi from the Okkelaklu caste are in charge of the rituals at the shrine, and they also work as mediums for the Bhutas. On the occasion of a yearly festival (neema) organized by the guttu, impersonators belonging to the Pambada caste are possessed by the Bhutas, and they dance and sing oral epics while wearing magnificent make-up and costumes. Focusing on the Bhuta festival in Perar, Chapter 3 deals with the relations among the main actors involved in the event: the heads of the guttu, priests, Pambada impersonators, and the Bhutas. Through their mutual communication, exchanges, and enchantments in the ritual process, each actor becomes a social agent with power over and responsibility (adikaara) for the other actors, while at the same time receiving power from them. In that process, the sovereign agency of the Bhutas is approved by the actors. Chapter 4 investigates the interrelation between modern and customary law in the Bhuta shrine in Perar. First, I deal with a court case from the early 1930s dealing with the trusteeship of the shrine.

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The iddir, or funeral association, is one of the most popular forms of community-based organizations in urban Ethiopia. Members of a funeral association are responsible for contributing money and labor to conduct funerals for the members. In this paper, I relate the activities of several funeral associations in the capital Addis Abeba to the theoretical concepts of personhood. In some African societies, people are reported to spend a considerable part of their resources on funerals in order to show their care and respect for the deceased. For them, to bury a deceased person in a proper way is to endorse the value of that person's life (DE WITTE 2003). In Ethiopia, funeral associations play a central role in conducting funerals. The activity of a funeral association consists of two aspects: one that concerns the selection and evaluation of its members, and the other that concerns the care for the deceased. The first aspect can be related to the concept of personhood as the "standard common notion" of what it takes to be a "good person" (DOUGLAS and NAY 1998: 13). The other aspect can be related to the argument that personhood does not reside in the physical or cognitive attributes of individuals (CARRITHERS et al. 1985). Rather, it is important to understand that "relations" are essential elements of personhood (STRATHERN 1992: 124-125). The activity of a funeral association can be understood as the process of constructing "responsive relationships" (SHOTTER 1993: 201) in the sense that its members are expected to respond to the compelling need of others for care and respect. I examine in this paper how the members of some funeral associations in a quarter of Addis Abeba successfully constructed responsive relationships, through their own discussions, to reshape their activities and rules. In addition, I try to figure out some important elements of funeral association activities that enable people to construct such relationships. My argument is that the process of constructing responsive relationships is closely related to the fact that the practice of funeral associations is the act of mutual assistance to address the uncertainty of their members' future. It is important to notice that funeral associations do not necessarily promote the maintenance of existing relationships based on strict norms of reciprocity. Rather, their members are urged to allow the others who come to "carry off" the necessary resources for funerals to the extent that their capacity permits. The first two chapters of the paper introduce the key issues concerning the concepts of personhood and the activities of funeral associations, as stated above. Chapter III examines the historical period during which funeral associations became the most popular form of community-based association in urban Ethiopia. It is believed that funeral associations became common among migrants from rural villages during the early 20th century (ALEMAYEHU 1968; PANKHURST 2003). Those migrants often found themselves detached from relatives and neighbors in their homeland, and lacked support when they faced death. Such experiences of hardship pushed them to form funeral associations. Although such a state of social disruption cannot be assumed as the common experience of present citizens of Addis Abeba, it is still not easy to expect proper funerals for single mothers, elders who do not have offspring, and those without stable income or wealthy relatives. Those are some of typical characteristics of residents of the quarter in Addis Abeba where I conducted my research. In this chapter, I also explain the activities of funeral associations, based on my interviews focusing on the management of associations' common assets, particularly the reserve funds to cover funeral expenses. Chapter IV explains the elaborate rules and agreements of some funeral associations.

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Faced with the neoliberalist discourse that ignores social bonds other than individuals' link to the market, some anthropologists appreciate the role of face-to-face communities as a facility for social insertion. However, as GIDDENS (1990) argues, the globalizing modernity tends to "disembed" local relations. This paper discusses, based on the case of Vezo fishing communities in southwestern Madagascar, how a rural community can open out to exterior and global influences that might be violent. It also conceptualizes the community of bricolage practice (CBP) as a rather promising model of face-to-face community today. Throughout the 1990s and 2000s, Vezo fishermen kept on improving their household economies by inventing various gears and techniques: handmade wooden spearguns with curved car tires and umbrella ribs as parts; dragnets made of metal wires from car tires; extraordinarily large gillnets to fish sharks; handmade wooden lures for squids; a combination of a condom and a light-emitting diode torch to enable night diving. Those inventions, triggered by a national and international increase in seafood demand, owe to the bricolage process in two phases: the phase of the initial trial, where the fishermen improvise the techniques out of their professional experience and new materials conveyed along the global distribution currents; and the phase of spreading, where imitators improve the new gears and techniques by modifying the model to their own circumstances and availability, e.g., "moyens du bord' (LEVI-STRAUSS 1962). The imitation of the latter spreading phase happens frequently soon after the initial trial, because the fishermen share, to a significant degree, the basic know-how of fishing through legitimate peripheral participation (LPP; LAVE and WENGER 1991). In actuality, the Vezo fishing village is regarded as a community of practice (CP; ibid.), for the people learn fishing from co-villagers through everyday conversations, as well as from their families through fishing trips. The village cannot be a typical CP because the fishermen, through practices, achieve their Vezo identity but not a village identity. Nonetheless, because the theory explains sufficiently why the degree of learning relates to social estimation, the paper regards the village as a CP. The Vezo fishing village is distinct from many other CPs in that the learner masters not only knowledge and body techniques but also how to get through unexpected incidents. That means that fishing is not such a simple practice as sharpening knives, for example, where the practitioner tries not to deviate from the regular routine by adjusting his own slight motions; but it is rather a complex practice, or a bundle of routines, where the practitioner has to control the unpredictable developments by intentional calculation. In actuality, the fisherman never repeats any fishing trip in a strict sense; but he always experiences an unprecedented trip each time under a unique combination of weather, current, tide, fish behavior and trip members. Thus, he has to make a unique decision if he harvests nothing after a while: to make a move for better water; to adjust the length of line for a better depth; or to change gears for other targets. That unique decision cannot be learned through LPP, which instead gives lessons regarding how to judge conditions quickly based on conditional experiences. After the judgment, he selects items from his repertoire of know-how and available materials, and combines them according to the unique conditions. In other words, he practices bricolage on every fishing trip. That ability turned out to be the source of creativity in the 1990s and 2000s, when the fishermen were confronted with new materials and opportunities, resulting in a bricolage invention of gears and techniques. It was just an exercise of fishermen's normal abilities under new conditions. We

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This article aims to examine an anthropological vision beyond globalization through adjusting cultural relativism in order to consider the 'coexistence of plurals,' one of the most important subjects in contemporary society, in which globalization has been spreading widely. By rethinking the methodological potentials of cultural anthropology, contemporary phenomena and discourses of globalization will become more comprehensible. As ethnographic data, this article provides examples of a coexistent relationship of the religious communities of the Virgin of Guadalupe in Cebu City, the Philippines. Cultural anthropology has tackled the problem of the 'coexistence of plurals' from the standpoint of cultural relativism. However, whereas multiculturalism has thrived mainly in the fields of multicultural education and minority policy, cultural relativism has lost the role of a worthy cause and needs renovation. Of course, multiculturalism also has many difficulties and is not perfect as a guide for multiple societies. For example, it easily tends to become a nonintervention policy, and value judgments towards different cultures are impossible. Moreover, although multiculturalism criticizes old cultural pluralism as far as the center/peripheral dichotomy is concerned, it cannot sweep away the certain values that stem from certain local communities, so multiculturalism and old cultural pluralism must be "in cahoots," so to speak. Instead, I would like to seek a possibility for the renovation of cultural relativism to contact with 'deep' pluralism, proposed by William Connolly, and is also called 'new pluralism.' It contrasts with the old cultural pluralism in the following points: (1) multidimensional pluralism, (2) the politics of becoming, (3) deep pluralism. Those three points will be examined from the viewpoint of the renewal of cultural relativism. Tracing from multiculturalism to new pluralism, this article proposes the 'cultural relativism of the person concerned' as its renewal. In the preceding studies, cultural relativism as theory (HAMAMOTO), and cultural relativism as strategy (ODA) have been presented. On the one hand, following those ideas, 'cultural relativism of the person concerned' may be considered the third cultural relativism. On the other hand, in contrast to the former two ideas, this third mode of relativism can be observed in certain local communities practiced by the residents as the persons concerned. In that sense, this type of cultural relativism can be called 'cultural relativism as practice,' and is different to some extent from a theory, a methodology, or a moral for cultural anthropologists themselves. An ethnographic description of religious communities of the Virgin of Guadalupe in Cebu City will be shown as a case study of 'cultural relativism of the person concerned.' The Virgin of Guadalupe has been declared as the patron saint of the Archdiocese of Cebu, including all of Cebu City, but originated from one small barangay (village) where the miraculous tale of the Virgin's appearance had been told. A chapel celebrating the Virgin of Guadalupe was constructed on the holy place of the Virgin's appearance, and is managed by a confraternity (Cofradia de Nuestra Sra. de Guadalupe) that seems to be the representative of the religious community of the Virgin's worship. On the contrary, there is another community older than this group, that consists of earlier settlers of the land, known as 'Lumad,' meaning 'ancestors' or 'founders.' They also claim that they are traditional caretakers of the Virgin, with their own religious practices and tales of origin that are different from Cofradia's. In addition to those two communities, there is one more group of ordinary followers, making three categories in all that engage in

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The purpose of this paper is to examine the history and present conditions of 'globalization' from the viewpoint of the Inuit, the indigenous people living in Canadian Arctic, in order to reveal the characteristics of that historical phenomenon and consider what anthropologists should do to solve the problems raised by it. For that purpose, I will firstly elucidate the present conditions of 'globalization,' which the Inuit are confronting and struggling against today, based on the analysis of 'modernity' by Bruno LATOUR. I will then place the Inuit indigenous movement within the history and present conditions of 'globalization' in order to elucidate what it is the Inuit are protecting against the problems raised by this historical phenomenon. Furthermore, based on that consideration, I will reveal that the root cause of the problems raised by 'globalization' is the conflict between two different systems, in which human and matter are organized and woven into a network overarching the domain of 'culture' and 'nature.' After that, I will show that what we anthropologists are required to do in order to overcome the problems raised by 'globalization' is to establish a worldview based on 'natural-cultural relativism,' which aims to realize the coexistence of the natural-cultural complexes, in place of the worldview based on 'cultural relativism,' which aims to realize the coexistence of cultures on the assumption that 'nature' is universally the only one basis for cultural diversity. Finally, I will discuss the role of anthropologists in establishing the worldview based on 'natural-cultural relativism.'

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In this paper, the author argues that we experience difficulty in conceptualizing the nature of globalization. One of the reasons for that difficulty is that most discussions, debates and controversies on globalization are based on specific assumptions, which are not necessarily self-evident. The purpose of this paper is to clarify such assumptions, which are based on a concept called "Globalization" (in contrast to " globalizations" and/or "primary globalization") by the author. This concept of Globalization is, from a reflexive point of view, only a small part of several theoretically possible globalizations. Basically, the concept of Globalization is a modern, Western-centric notion, which presupposes the "center/periphery" dichotomy. In this paper, the author proposes another novel concept, namely, "primary globalization," which could transcend or deconstruct the modern, Western-centric concept of Globalization. By the term "primary globalization," the author means a long-distance, trans-local flow of peoples, commodities, and cultures that has existed since the premodern era to the present, even in the non-Western world. In proposing the concept of "primary globalization," the author points out the possible plurality (or multiplicity) of globalizations, which are neither necessary novel phenomena in human history, nor limited to the Western-centered world. That view of the author on globalization is partly based on a recent trend in historical studies. Especially, historians who belong to the so-called field of "global history studies" advocate a quite unique view of the long-distance trade or flows of peoples and cultures. Among those global history studies are such scholars as P. CURTIN, J. ABU-LUGUD, A.G. FRANK, A. REID, and H. YAJIMA, to name a few. According to those historians, the long-distance, transnational, or even "global" movements or flows of people, commodities, and cultures are not necessary limited to the modern age, nor were they dominated or controlled by the West. On the contrary, in many parts of the world, including pre-modern Asia and Africa, we could notice quite active trans-local flows even before the coming of Westerners. In the first place, the notion of "primary globalization" by the author is inspired by those global history studies. However, there is also a conceptual difference. In case of historical studies, relatively speaking, much emphasis has been placed on the historical dimension of past events or phenomena, such as the long-distance trade network in the so-called 13c world system described by ABU-LUGUD. On the other hand, in the case of the "primary globalization" proposed by the author, one can utilize that concept as a conceptual tool for grasping the present ethnographic reality in the contemporary world. In that regard, the author tries to verify the empirical validity of the concept of "primary globalization" when examining the present situation in the contemporary Islamic world in general, particularly in the case of the contemporary Muslim secessionist movement in Mindanao (southern Philippines). Firstly, the case of Islamic world itself is quite interesting in regard to globalization in general, and primary globalization in particular. The Islamic world existed even before the beginning of the Western domination and colonization of the world. As a matter of fact, even in the 13c, the Islamic world encompassed vast areas stretching from North Africa (Magreb region) on its western edge to insular Southeast Asia on its eastern frontier. The regions covered by the Islamic world were mutually connected through a network of trade and pilgrimage routes as parts of a broader system, as argued by ABU-LUGUD. At first glance, the broad world of Islam and its network were cut and broken by the Western colonial

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This paper aims to rethink the definition of refugees and discuss the anthropological perspective of refugee studies. The best-known definition of refugee is contained in the international convention on the status of refugees, the pact of which treats only political refugees. This paper defines refugees as those who have asylum status in a host country, and who receive aid from humanitarian organizations. I focus especially on the creation of de-facto refugees through aid from non-state actors. Previous studies have examined refugees as transitional beings who eventually will be integrated into a nation. However, that assumption doesn't reflect the current situation. Currently, most refugees remain in an in-between status, regardless of their nationality. Internally displaced persons are excluded from their own country, and camp refugees are driven away at the periphery. Even though refugees have resettled to a third country, they are still in a marginal position there. This paper will define refugees as follows: (1) those who are in an asylum status in a host country, and (2) those who are in an unstable, in-between condition, because of the lack of protection in their original country or the lack of asylum status in their host country, thus having the right to receive aid for survival, regardless of their statelessness. The objects of aid include refugees in the following three categories: (a) those who will no longer be refugees after their integration into another nation, (b) regardless of their integration, those who still are characterized by an in-between instability, and (c) those who are in a 'stable' condition in a transitional stage through aid. This paper examines category (c), visualizing it through aid provided by non-state actors. The protracted condition of being in transition is created by aid from the International Refugee Regime (IRR). IRR treats people as objects of aid, then labels them as refugees, presuming their vulnerability. In that sense, the vulnerability of refugees is constructed in connection with the IRR. Previous studies have overlooked the fact that people internalize that constructed vulnerability. In this paper, I describe the framework of refugees as formulated by IRR as "refugee-ness 1" and "refugee-ness 2," in response to that categorization. The practices of refugees ("refugee-ness 2") are not driven by a given, essential vulnerability, but rather is a response to a constructed vulnerability ("refugee-ness 1"). "Refugee-ness" is conspicuous at refugee camps. Camps are top-down, bureaucratically-managed social spaces, where refugees are visualized through enclosed geographical spaces and a standardized framework of aid. For example, an analysis of a refugee camp along the Thai-Burmese border shows that the camp is not only managed by the Thai government and the IRR, but also by an armed organization that resists the home government in Burma. The camp has a dual power structure, so there is a limit to analyzing the camp only using the framework of the IRR or "refugee-ness 1." The micro aspect, or "refugee-ness 2," is seen in such refugee initiatives as self-help activities among the refugees using their position as objects of aid, being categorized as refugees. Vulnerability is a label that is not only used by aid agencies, but also by the refugees themselves, who use it to improve their lives. In that sense, vulnerability is another aspect of refugee practice. Considering the dialectic aspect of vulnerability and refugee practices can lead to a better understanding of refugees from their own perspective.

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