The purpose of this paper is to verify the mutual relationship of retail trade between two central-places and to make an equilibrium circle between them.
1. How to make an Equilibrium Circle
Consider there are two central-places A and B, and centrality-index of A is larger than that of B. The loci of equilibrium points should make a circle of which the center is nearer to B than to A. Now how to make such a circle? One method is as follows. Assume: (I) centrality-indices of two central-places A and B are 9 and 1 respectively, (II) the distance between A and B is 8km, (III) the trade area of each central-place expands circularly.
The trade area of A should be nine times larger than that of B; that is, πr²:πr'²=9:1. This results in r:r'=3:1. From this radius ratio, we are able to determine the equilibrium circle. The point P on the equilibrium circle must be at the distance of 6km from A and 2km from B on the line AB. The other point Q must be at the distance of 12km from A and 4km from B on the line AB. Furthermore, such equilibrium points must be on the circle with the diameter PQ (Fig. 2). The circle is the equilibrium line, and the inner sphere of the cirle is the trade area of B.
Such an equilibrium circle can also be made by means of analytical geometry: See Godlund, S., “The function and growth of bus traffic within the sphere of urban influence, ” Lund Studies in Geography, Nr. 18, 1956. And this circle results in just same as the former.
2. Relationship between Centrality-Index and Distance
At the equilibrium point, we can suppose that the strength of two central-places are directly proportional to the centrality-indice and inversely proportional to the power n of the distances from the central-places.
The power n of the distance is the function of centrality-index. If the centrality-index increases, the power n of the distance decreases, or the converse holds good. Now, the centrality-index changes in accordance with the indicator of the centrality. Therefore, the power n of the distance changes according to the indicator of the centrality. For example, if the population is chosen for its indicator, as in Reilly's Law, the power n will be square. But if the other indicator is chosen, the power n may not be square. Moreover, even if we take the same indicator, the power n will change according to regions or to times, owing to the difference of the traffic facilities or of the standards of living.
3. Determination of Centrality Indicator and the Construction of the Equilbrium Circle
It is difficult to determine the most suitable centrality indicator theoretically. Then, the indicator should be determined empirically. Five indicators were chosen for this purpose. They were; (1) values of retail sales, (2) values of retail sales-values of retail food sales, (3) basic retail activity, i.e. [(2)-(population of builtup area)×(values of retail sales per capita-values of retail food sales per capita)], (4) population of the built-up area, (5) Coefficient of Localization, i.e. [(percentage of (2) against the values of Prefecture)-(Percentage of (4) against the population of Prefecture)].
On the other hand, the equilibriump oints were decided by the field work in Yamaguchi and Hyogo Prefectures. And the relationship between centrality-indices and the power n of the distances at the equilibrium points were tested respectively. Table II shows the power n of the distance in each indicator.
In this table we can see the power n in each indicator fluctuates respectively. Perhaps, the fluctuation comes from the following two reasons: (I) the indicator of centrality is not suitable, (II) the inevitable error occured from sampling investigation. Now, in five indicators, the fluctuation of n of (2) is lesser than that of the others; see S (standard deviation) and V (=S/x coefficient of variation) in the Table.

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The present Paper has two main objectives---the first is to make an inquiry into the problem of the reasons why, unlike in the case of most alluvial plains in Japan, the ratio of paddy fields to cultivated land is small in the Tenryu alluvial plain, and also to study the type of land use which is prevalent there; the second is to make an investigation of the progress made since the Meiji Restoration in the retarded development of the Mikatahara Tableland, which is an elevated fan lying to the west of this alluvial plain.
In the first place, the present writer has tried to clarify the distribution pattern of the paddy fields and upland fields in the alluvial plain, and he has taken special note of the wide distribution of the peculiar butte-like upland fields. The upstream region of this alluvial plain constitutes a fan, while the downstream region forms a delta. As there is a complex distribution of former river courses, natural levees, flood plain swales, flood plain bars, etc., in the delta region, the land surface abounds in microrelief. The irrigation water for the paddy fields in this alluvial plain is supplied by the irrigation canals leading from the mouth of the gorge of the Tenryu River. However, because of the low water-level of the Tenryu River, the water-level of the irrigation canal is likewise low; in addition to this, the slope of the plain surface is extremely gradual, so that in the days when pumps were unknown, it was impossible to supply water to parts of the plain that were even only slightly elevated. Thus, the present pattern of land use which resulted from these circumstances dates back to old time. In order to obtain an income from upland field crops, the cultivating farmers cultivated sweet potatoes, wheat, and barley, to which were added cotton, indigo-plant, mulberry, sponge-gourd, peanuts, melons, and other commercial crops which were raised in accordance with the vicissitudes of the times.
The Mikatahara Tableland is located at an elevation. Hence, it was difficult to procure water from the Tenryu River. Moreover, as the ground water is deep, drinking water was not easily obtainable, the result being that almost the whole of the tableland remained unreclaimed even until as late as the Edo Period (1603-1867). This unreclaimed land was utilized by the cultivating farmers dwelling in the lower regions as source for the grass used in the production of compost. In the Meiji Period (1868-1912), portions of this land were developed by members of the warrior class who had become cultivating farmers, but for the most part, the land became a crown holding. In the latter half of the period of crown holding, approximately half of the land was reclaimed by cultivating farmers of the neighborhood to whom it was loaned. In time, the extensive areas left uncultivated became military grounds. After the Second World War, most of the military grounds were released for development as upland field land. Later, however, plans were altered, and ultimately, as part of the project for the multiple development of the Tenryu River, modern develoment plans were made for the making of paddy fields by supplying water by means of a large irrigation canal from the large-scale dam constructed in the Tenryu River. Work on this project is currently under way.

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This report is part of the author's doctorial thesis ‘Study on the Industrialization of Hong Kong and the Analysis of its Factors (1965)’.
The full-fledged industrialization of Hong Kong as seen in the last ten years clearly shows a switch from the traditional dependence of the colony upon entrepôt trade to revolutional self-supporting industrial activities. This remarkable change has brought about a new main source of income, and at the same time, Hong Konghas become more dependent upon foreign trade than ever before. For the colony produces little raw material and its inside market is small. Accordingly, all the industries have assumed the form of processing trade and foreign trade has become the most fundamental condition for the industrialization of the colony. For instance, the exports are estimated at 80 per cant of Hong Kong's total industrial output. No other country in the world exports so high proportion of its output. And in 1961, of all the textile goods exported from developing countries, 14 per cent were from Hong Kong. Also, the exports of miscellaneous goods from Hong Kong represented 34 per cent of the total exports from those countries.
From these trends of recent years, Hong Kong is viewed as a country that typifies the combined development of commerce (trade) and industry, and also, a rapid increase in the export of manufactured goods shows Hong Kong's strong international competitive power.
The reason for taking up plastic industry here is that this is a new type of industry, and it has grown rapidly, establishing itself as one of the most important industries. Above all plastic flowers (made of polyethylene) have become wellknown as ‘Hong Kong flowers’, which have given a blow to the Japanese manufacturers of artificial flowers.
The author is going to analyze and explain in detail the development, location, actual condition of management, structure of trade and competitive power of plastic flowers in comparison with that of Japanese artificial flowers.
The results are as follows;
1) Most of the industries in Hong Kong are conducted on the basis of intensive productive labor. Plastic industry is no exception. The exports of plastic goods have remarkably increased in a short period and plastic industry has come to play a major role (Fig. I and Table 4). The outputs of items of this industry are varied. It shows diversified develoments of the industry. But since 1960, the plastic flower has become the most important item of all and it has occupied half of the total production of plastic industry.
2) The pioneering firm was established in 1947, but the actual production of plastic flower began in 1957. This was motivated by the introduction of the Hong Kong labor to the industry by an American merchant of keen insight. Of course, there was a concentration of the Chinese capital upon the new industry, too. The factories are mainly located in the urban areas in Hong Kong and Kowloon, but partly, they have advanced to the new industrial areas, such as Tsuen Wan, Kwun Tong and Sai Wan (Fig. 2). Such location is conditioned by the scale of firms-almost all the firms are home industrial (cottage type)-and it is based on the fact that capital, though small, can be easily procured and cheap supply of labor is available at any time. The number of workers in most of the registered factories is less than 100 (Table 3). The number of workers in smaller factories is not included in the official figures. The number of outworkers is not included there, either. Under such circumstances, it is very difficult to improve quality and stabilize market, and, what is worse, such a state has worsened, so that plastic industry is now a typical industry in Hong Kong that has both a strong point and a weak point.
3) The exports of plastic goods have remarkably increased since 1959.

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以上,焼畑農業についての最近の研究の動向とその問題点にふれ,あわせて焼畑の比較地理学への若干の展望を行ってきたが,最近の焼畑農業研究には,大別して二つの方向がみとめられる。
その第1はmicro-scopic studyとでもいうべきもので,community或はfamilyのレベルで焼畑農業の経営形態を捉え,その特色を詳しく調査・研究するとともに,その地域の自然条件や文化や社会の構造と焼畑農業組織との関連を精細に追究する方向である。この場合にはとくに,作物栽培技術や輪作形態が詳しく分析され,焼畑の生産性や人口支持力の問題、或は焼畑農業とその社会の変容過程が興味ある問題としてとりあげられている。
他方,第2の研究方向は,macro-scopicなもので,焼畑農業の比較研究をめざすものである。ここでは焼畑農業の地域的特色の類型的把握が問題になり,その歴史的・文化生態学的特徴の解明が重要な研究課題になっている。そうして,この場合には,《根栽型焼畑農業》と《雑穀栽培型焼畑農業》の二つの大類型の設定とその特徴の把握が,比較研究上のきわめて有効なメルクマールになるのではないかと考えられるのである。

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