巻号一覧
3 巻, 5-6 号
選択された号の論文の23件中1～23を表示しています
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内田 寛一1952 年 3 巻 5-6 号 p. 3-8
発行日: 1952/01/15
公開日: 2009/04/30
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酒詰 仲男1952 年 3 巻 5-6 号 p. 9-11
発行日: 1952/01/15
公開日: 2009/04/30
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米倉 二郎1952 年 3 巻 5-6 号 p. 12-19,A3
発行日: 1952/01/15
公開日: 2009/04/30
ジャーナル フリーThere are two varieties of the arable land allocation of Jori, namely, the Nagachi (a long strip of land) type and the Haori (folded in half) type. The Nagachi type is a method of dividing one cho (120 yards) square of land in to ten strips, the size of each strip being 6 ken (12 yards) x60 ken. (120 yards). With the Haori type one cho square of land is divided similarly in to ten parts but the size of each part is 12 ken (24 yards) x30 ken (60 yards).
According to the studies published heretofore, it has been almost a fact that the Nagachi type preceded the Haori. Recently, however, a new theory has been presented by Professor TAKEUCHI of Kyushu University that the Haori type was prior to the Nagachi.
Professor TAKEUCHI looked for a guide to the solving of this problem in the historical literature of later ages because the direct data were lacking relating to the question.
For that very reason, however, the professor's theory remains to be carefully examined. We are to rely not only on literature but on the comparative studies in what is left of the Jori land allocation system.
From this standpoint, the remains of Toro paddy-fields that were recently unearthed are of significance.
For it was found that the land distribution plan seen on the Toro ricefields which is older than the Jori system rather approached the Haori type. It is possible therefore that the Toro paddy-fields will be regarded as an indirect datum in insisting again on the priority of the Haori to another type of the Jori land division.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (847K) -
甲府盆地の歴史地理的研究第2報谷岡 武雄, 須藤 賢1952 年 3 巻 5-6 号 p. 20-33,A4
発行日: 1952/01/15
公開日: 2009/04/30
ジャーナル フリーThe present paper deals especially with the distribution of the powerful families' settlements in the later Middle Ages and the manner of cultivation of their lands; the characteristics of which run as follows:
In general, the mansions of powerful families were constructed for the sake of dwelling and defending, while the castles or fortresses were chiefly built for the purpose of defence. The former were fortified with a lower rampart and a shallow moat. Sometimes the fortification was double strengthened. The chief of these families was a knight under the lord, Takeda, appointed guardianship. There was a vegetable garden in such a mansion, where followers and servante lived with their master. Each knight held a “salland” (demesne) and a “zinland” (tenure). Most of these mansions were constructed in the later Middle Ages, but a few of them were built in the earlier medieval period. Most of these ruins were scattered along the rivers and main roads, but we can't find them in the fans and mountainous lands. And the distribution of these mansions is more extensive than “Jori” allotment which we reported in Part 1.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (1448K) -
藤岡 謙二郎1952 年 3 巻 5-6 号 p. 34-49,A4
発行日: 1952/01/15
公開日: 2009/04/30
ジャーナル フリーThe investigation of Jokamachi forms an important branch of the historical and geographical studies of Japan because most of the modern cities in present-day Japan are former castle-cities which had undergone changes under the influence of the industrial revolution in the most recent times.
These castle-cities (or towns), which total about 300 including those that had once existed but were destroyed subsequently, are examined and their certain geographic characters are viewed from the following three standpoints: (1) a castle-city as the capital of a feudal dominion; (2) a castle-city retaining in its form the feudal defense system; and (3) a castle-city still living in -a present day city.
Regarding (1), a city's character as the capital in the feudal times is analyzed. Regarding (2), utilization of moats and topography, rivers in particular, for defense purpose is explained and, in addition, a city plan made in imitation of Heian-kyo (an ancient name of Kyoto City) is presented. With regard to (3), a camparison is made of the present-day population of a city with the production of rice when the same city was a castle-town of the feudal age, and from this comparison the rise and decline of that city is examined. In conclusion, it is stated that the feudal city is still alive in a Japanese city of modern times, and that it is possible to find in Japan too the similar type of a city form which is observable in a country with old history.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (1795K) -
樋口 節夫1952 年 3 巻 5-6 号 p. 50-58,A5
発行日: 1952/01/15
公開日: 2009/04/30
ジャーナル フリーIn the present study of Ashiko merchants, it is attempted to seek the geographical foundation as to “Ashiko” of Honai merchants who constituted the core of Ohomi merchants in their cradle days.
In the first place, several instances are cited of the subordinate position of Ashiko merchants.
Secondly, their numerical distribution is expounded.
Thirdly, from the above the geographical foundation is sought. I. e., the subordinate status and the distribution of Ashiko merchants had to do to a great extent with land-ownership in the manorial economy. Further, as long as roads were their life, poor natural circumstances could not but help bring forth their subordination. This is also the reason for their strong character of “Chuma” (a go-between).
In the fourth place, the reason why Ashiko merchants could not become modern merchants is sought. It also is noted that their tradition lives in the present day as an ideal stream and as a commercial style.
In a word, a part of the historical and geographical background to a present day scene where the Goshu clan among the contemporary merchants enjoys distinguished prosperity, is presented.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (1025K) -
安倍金山の研究小葉田 淳1952 年 3 巻 5-6 号 p. 59-70,A6
発行日: 1952/01/15
公開日: 2009/04/30
ジャーナル フリーUntil 15th Century gold mining industry in Japan had mainly consisted in alluvial mining. It was in 16th Century that ways and means for digging deep mines and getting refined gold from ores developed. The Gold Mine of Kahi, in the former territory of the Takeda family, and the Surugaroku Gold Mine, in the former territory of the Imagawa family, were two of the first mines of this kind in the country.
As for the two gold mines treated in the present paper, i, e., the Umegashima Gold Mine and the Igawa Gold Mine, both located in Abegun, Suruga, they too seem to be examples of the same kind. In the early part of 17th Century, when precious metal mining was at its height in our country, these two gold mines were developed under the direct management of the shogunate, but this situation had continued only less than 10 years.
Both the Umegahima village and the Igawa village are situated in small valleys in the upper reaches of the Abe river and the Oi river respectively, and produce a small amount of wheat and other grains. After the gold mining in a comparatively large scale had become a thing of the past, the villagers took to placer mining, calling it “Oppori” in the case of disposing of remaining ores in old mines and “Sawanagashi” in the case of placer mining along the river-sides.
Since the latter part of 17th Century, the tradesmen from Sumpu had occaisonally contracted for the mining but in such a case too, it was the village people who offered labor as miners or handy men. However, in most cases, villagers were directly engaged in mining under the so-called, village contract and paid to the shogunate taxes called “Oppori-eki”.
Many were engaged in alluvial gold mining between harvest times but there were some who made “Oppori” in the old mines of Hikagezawa in the Umegashima village their occupation, and became almost specilized gold-diggers.
In modern times, what with technical advancement in agricultural production, particularly in cultivation of crops as merchandise, and growing commercial traffic in fire-wood and timber, alluvial mining industry had gradually lost its meaning in the village life. Of course, decrease in the produced amount of gold contributed toward this phenomenon.
Thus, in the Meiji era, the population in the abovementioned two villages increased remarkably despite the fact that production of grains went down. and articles of food had to be brought in from outside in great quantity.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (1218K) -
野田 只夫1952 年 3 巻 5-6 号 p. 71-78,A7
発行日: 1952/01/15
公開日: 2009/04/30
ジャーナル フリーIn the social history of the middle ages “Bashaku Shudan” appear as the vaguard of “Do-ikki” (the peasants'revolts). What is of interest is the gangs demonstrate remarkable activities but with the end of peasants'revolts they too abruptly disappear.
In the present paper which consists of four parts, actuality of “Bashaku” gangs in ordinary times is examined historically and geographically in connection with land.
In the lst Part (Introduction): what is “Bashaku” and what is interesting of it are explained.
In the 2nd Part: Gangs'activities are reviewed chronologically and according to places where they showed. The active part played by “Bashaku Shudan” as the core of the peasant movement that evolved from appeal to organized revolt is described.
In the 3rd part: The organization and functions of the “Bashaku” Gang are studied with examples of a few gangs in the suburban districts of Kyoto, i. e., Shimo-toba, Yoko-oji, and Fushimi.
In the 4th Part (Conclusion): Substance of “Bashaku Shudan” is discussed and its organization and classes and ranks pertaining thereto are explained. Why such an organization could have becomo the core of the peasants'revolts and why it could have demonstrated power are also studied. The reason for these gangs'abrupt disappearance is sought in the oppression that came from the class of the united commission merchants which grew with the birth of feudal lords.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (938K) -
藪内 芳彦1952 年 3 巻 5-6 号 p. 79-85,A8
発行日: 1952/01/15
公開日: 2009/04/30
ジャーナル フリーI attempted to understand the characteristics seen in the process of reclamation of the Kino River valley and its neighbourhood by means o comparing the landoutput per village in Kii-zoku-Hudoki with that in Keichyo-Kenchi-chyo, viz. the records of landoutput in 1613. Since the compilation of Kii-zoku-Hudoki was completed in 1839, the comparison of those two records means the comparison of the early period of Edo Age with the late period. Because almost all villages in Kii-zoku-Hudoki which are not found in Keichyo-Kenchi-chyo, had already established by the middle period of Edo Age, I presume that the comparison of those two records realy means the comparison of the early period with the middle. Of course, the landoutput might have increased after the middle period, but I think it was not so rapid it is highly probable that it tended to stagnation.
The fact that new reclamation of fields are not found in this region after the middle period with the some exceptions means that there were no historical and geographical posibilities for the reclamation and that this region which belongs to the Kinki-region had already been reclaimed and populated from former times.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (761K) -
武蔵野新田の一事例について矢嶋 仁吉1952 年 3 巻 5-6 号 p. 86-93,A9
発行日: 1952/01/15
公開日: 2009/04/30
ジャーナル フリーThis is a study concerning Onumata-shinden situated nearIy in the central part of the plateau of Musashino, and describes the changes of both the number of houses and the area of the cultivated land, which are two of the fundamentals to the formation of a village, and also states the allotment of the cultivated land. Onumata-shinden is a settlement brought under cultivation in 1721, the 6th of Kyoho.
This study based mainly of the old records preserved in the village may be summarized as follows:
(1) Onumata-shinden is a settlement reclaimed in the latter period of the Tokugawa era.
(2) About twenty-five years after the reclamation, a surveying of land was made, and since then the settIement has developed as an independent village.
(3) A plot of land covering an area of from one to two cho has been allotted almost invariably to every house-holder. The only exception to this is the case of a land-owner who had owned a tract of cultivated land amounting to twenty cho.
Since the reclamation days, the master of this house had always been the headman of the village (nanushi).
(4) The cultivation land is for the most part sown to barley, wheat, etc., but about 1.8 of it are paddy-fields.
(5) The cultivated land is generally barren, and from this may be infered the poverty of the livelihood of the villagers.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (875K) -
摂津型農業研究の一節として三橋 時雄1952 年 3 巻 5-6 号 p. 94-103,A10
発行日: 1952/01/15
公開日: 2009/04/30
ジャーナル フリーIzumio-Shinden is taken up as an area where the so-called Settsu-type agricultural management was carried on, and an attempt is made to clarify the foundation on which such an agricultural management was realized.
Firstly, the development of Shinden is briefly touched upon, and its character as Shinden contracted by tradesmen is indicated. Next, mention is made of the allotment of land and of the tillers. The information is based on “Shinden jiwari-cho” (A Book of Allotment of Shinden Land) and “Gesaku Nayose-cho” (A Directory of Tillers) compiled in the initial stage of the development of Shinden.
Thirdly, how a tiller and land were combined is explained, and lastly the general outlook of agricultural management which was carried on under such a combination is examined.
The conclusion is the agricultural management practiced in this Shinden is a kind of so-called Settsu type agriculture and has a distinguished character of commercial agriculture that is seen in suburban districts.
It was barely possible, because of the nature of the present examination and the space limit, to deal with the social and economic conditions which regulated such a type of agricultural management, and the social structure of Shinden. It is hoped that these subjects will be discussed presently with more detailed analyses of agricultural management.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (1090K) -
上伊那郡八手部落の場合浅香 幸雄1952 年 3 巻 5-6 号 p. 104-118
発行日: 1952/01/15
公開日: 2009/04/30
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出雲,石見の場合庄司 久孝1952 年 3 巻 5-6 号 p. 119-129,A11
発行日: 1952/01/15
公開日: 2009/04/30
ジャーナル フリー‘TATARA’ is a process of smelting sand iron found in granite or granodiorite by charcool fire to produce ‘Japanese’ iron and steel.
The sand iron is collected from the weathered surface rock, crushed and dumped into streams by peasants in their slack seasons.
The Origin of ‘TATARA’ can be traced back to the dawn of Japanese history. The supply of iron in Japan had depended almost wholly upon this primitive method until the western smelting method was introduced at the close of the Tokugawa Shogunate. The Chukoku Region used to produce 60% of such iron.
In the management of this particular industry numbers of artisans and peasants were employed in a manner which reminds one of the medieval ‘manufacturing’ system. A remarkable contrast can be observed between the mangerial systems of ‘TATARA’ in Izumo and Iwami provinces when considered in terms of its regional characteristics.
1 In Izumo the owners of the industry were descendants of medieval feudal lords, while in Iwami the industry was under the control of land lords of more recent origin who had risen to their positions from peasantry.
2. The relation ship between the employers and employees was, more rigid, in Izumo, being more feudal and clannish, while, in Iwami, the status of the employees was more free because they were employed, to a much greater degree, on a wage basis.
3. The local feudal lords under the Tokugawa Shogunate exacter more powerful influence over the owners of the industry than they did in Iwami.
4. The scale of management was greater in Izumo than in Iwami.
5. In Iwami the employers sometimes hired labowers from distant district, while in Izumo all the work was done by local peasantry.
6. The modern ‘monetary economy’ be cause universal in Iwami earlier than it did in Izumo.
Thus it may be feasible to draw the conclusion that in the process of social and economic development Izumo was more backward than Iwami.
With the Reconstruction in 1868 ‘TATARA’ cane to be over whelmed by the import of cheaper iron from western countries, and has never developed a factory industry, though it is still being locally pactised on a more and less negligible scale.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (1214K) -
中島 健一1952 年 3 巻 5-6 号 p. 133-144,A12
発行日: 1952/01/15
公開日: 2009/04/30
ジャーナル フリー1 Oriental soceity.
(A) Regions of corn-field farming with animal-breeding.
1. Mesopotamia, Northern China, Egypt, North-western India. Developement of corn-field farming under the system of gigantic irrigation and river conservancy works, oriental despotism meterialized on it. Remarkable expansion of the trade economy. Variation of ancient slavery (obscinorabovladel'ceskij stroj), but coexistence of quasi feudalism in the corn-field.
India was somewhat different of it.
2. Central Asia.
a. Agricultural society. Khorasmii. Developement of cornfield with animal-breeding under large scale manuring irrigation and river conservancy works struggling against desert, centralization of state-power materialized on these system. Oriental variation of ancient slavery (obscinorabovladel'ceskij stroj), but coexistence of tenant-farming system in the corn-field.
b. Nomadic society. Vast expansion of trading economy. Remarkable developement of slavery, but coexistence of kinship-relations, slavery and quasi feudalism.
(B) Region of wet-rice farming (sawah-system).
a. Japan, Southern Korea. Large landowner demanded many slave labours at the beginning of the clearing, but transformed to quasi feudalism after some years of the clearnig. Remarkable coexistence of slavery and quasi serfdom in the sawah-system.
b. South-eastern Asia. Generally developement of slavery in the serfdom. Enormous slave-labour survived before XIX century, specially in the sawah regions.
2. So called “Classic-Ancient” society.
(A) Greece. Slavery was remarkablly spreaded in the domestic handicraft-manufacturers. (ergasterion), mining and miscellaneous services, but coexistence of tenantfarming system in the corn-field farming.
(B) Italy. Slavery was the most remarkablly developed in the viticulture, olive culture, live-stock farming, mining, public works and miscelaneous services. But small landowner-system, colonatus and tenant-farming was generally diffused in the corn-field very early. Here also, coexistence of colonus and slave-labour in the same step.
3. Germanic society.
Germanii, Britania, Gallia, Sparta, Tessallis, Kiev-Russ. Generally speaking, transformed into feudalism as the slavery was uncompleted.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (1281K) -
山口 平四郎1952 年 3 巻 5-6 号 p. 145-151,A14
発行日: 1952/01/15
公開日: 2009/04/30
ジャーナル フリーThe modes of transportation among North American aborigines are divided into about six groups according to the place where they live, as shown in the Map.
In the land along the Arctic Ocean, Eskimos' land that is beyond the north bound of the tree-growing region, sleds and canoes made of hides provide means of transportation.
In the snowy woodlands of Canadian Shiield bornering on Eskimos' region, sleds and snow-shoes are used in winter, and in summer canoes made of birch bark are employed for transport.
However, in the region beyond the bound of birch-growing areas, large-modeled canoes of Atlantic districts were the means of transportation by water because light birch bark canoes did not suit large rivers. At the same tine, as it is not seldom that heavy snow in winter and marshes in summer hamper traffic, people start going on foot constructing roads.
In Great Plains, travois, bull-boats and sleds are used. In the highland of the West, the bearers, and in the regions along the North Pacific and the Gulf, the large-modeled canoes provided principal means of communication.
Regarding the distribution according to the area of primitive modes of transportation, the study by H. Banlig (Ann. de Géog., Vol. 17) contains valuable information.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (759K) -
織田 武雄1952 年 3 巻 5-6 号 p. 152-162,A15
発行日: 1952/01/15
公開日: 2009/04/30
ジャーナル フリーEither to affirm or to deny the circumnavigation of Africa by Phoenicians there are not sufficient data, because Herodotus' description of it is brief. It may be wise to conclude, like Bunbry, “it is not proven”.
However, when the oceanic currents and wind are taken into consideration, it is understood that the least geographic obstacles will be met if the sailing around of Africa is started from the east seacoást of the continent. Also, while Polynesians got to almost all islands in the Pacific by means of their primitive canoes, Phoenicians had possessed better vessels and navigation than Polynesians.
If indirect evidence such as above mentioned is taken into accounts, the circumnavigation of Africa by Phoenicians may be considered “gar nicht unwahrscheinlich, ” as remarked by Humboldt.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (1024K) -
中国人の地理思想宮崎 市定1952 年 3 巻 5-6 号 p. 163-166,A16
発行日: 1952/01/15
公開日: 2009/04/30
ジャーナル フリーThe Ancient Chinese usually had two kinds of ideas for the earth. The first idea, which diffused in the Age of Chan-Kuo, (_??__??__??__??_), was that phenomena in the heaven correspond with those on the earth i. e., a solor eclipse or an appearence of a comet suggested a misgovermment, a flood or an earthquake, and a each part of the globe of the heaven corresponds with a each part of several big countries in China.
According to second ides, which deffused after the first idea, phenomena of the earth, separating from those in the heaven, was used to be explained by the idea of “vigor of the earth”. The earth has “vigor of the earth” in it, which wade all the animals, plants and minerals vigorous. And “vigor of the earth” had many complex belts, people and things which was animated by the act of this vigor but those who were not on those belts were not influenced by this vigor. But the system of these belts was artificially changeable. And it was said that in China there was three main belts of “vigor of the earth” (“Dragon Belt” (_??__??_) etc.). By the idea of Dragon Belt they want to explain historically the rise and fall of Chinese countries, and the other two ideas had remained alive uutil Chin (_??_) dynasty.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (434K) -
所謂ヨーロッパ中世における非ヨーロッパ的なるもの水津 一朗1952 年 3 巻 5-6 号 p. 167-180,A16
発行日: 1952/01/15
公開日: 2009/04/30
ジャーナル フリーIm Mittelalter liegt die scharfe Unterschied zwischen Ost-und Westelbe. Karol Potkánski aufgezeigt von Flurkarten aus dem Gebiet der Radomer Heide in kleinpolen, dass die Entwicklung, die von der Einzelhof (sor) zur Dorfsiedlung (sortes) führt, deutliche Spuren in den Quellen hinterlassen: ihr entspricht der Übergang von der singularischen Possessivbezeichnung zur pluralischen, in der Form des Patronymikons. In Welcher Weise konnte aus dem Einzelhof ein Dorf entstehen? O. Balzer beantwortet das auf Grund südslawischer Verhältnisse. Dort wohnen in einem Hauswesen öfters Grossfamilien von 15-30, 40 Köpfen beisammen (zadruga). Langt der Raum nicht mehr zu, so werden Nebenhäuser errichtet, die längs der Auenränder der Wasserläufe mit dem Mutterhause schliesslich ein Sackgassendorf bildet. Die Entstehung des Sackgassendorf ist also gleichlaufend mit der Abspaltung jungerer Grossfamilien und dementsprechend der fortschreitenden Teilung des Landeigens (parzellierte Blockflur), welche Parzellierung deutlich von germanische Gewann verschieden waren.
Die germanischen Dorfbeamten waren im Grunde nur Beamte des Herrn. Im Gegensatze zu diesen Verhältnissen in Westelbe besitzt das Dorf eine Dorfhäuptling, wie sie auch hiessen, staroste im Dorfe, Zupan, starasse.
Ich zeigt, dass die Umwandlung des Sackgassendorfes zum langgestreckte Platzdorf (Strassendorf) und ovale Platzdorf (Rundling) erst nach dem Vorstoss der Westslawen nach W erfolgen konnte. Diese Dorf unterscheidet sich freilich von dem der deutschen kolonisten durch die weniger regelmässige Lage der Äcker.
Ich verfolgte also die Akulturation, die diese Dörfer durch germanische kolonisation durchgemacht haben hinsichtlich ihrer Form und ihrer Wesensart. Krampitz bei Newmark in Schlesien, Gemarkung von 457ha Fläche in 24 gemianishe Hufe zu 19.1ha aufgeteilt waren, Dorfbering und Bewohner blieben slawisch. Und Downowitz, slawische Siedlung als Runddorf bei Trebnitz in Schlesien, davon um 1410 878ha unter 8 Dzedzinen verteilt (noch 410ha unangebautes Land waren), zerfiel nach dem Besitzstande von 1821 in 46 häuerliche Besitzungen mit 1298 Parzellen.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (1566K) -
吉田 敬市1952 年 3 巻 5-6 号 p. 181-196,A18
発行日: 1952/01/15
公開日: 2009/04/30
ジャーナル フリーFishery and salt-making industry in the first period of the Li dynasty are described as a link in a chain of studies of the development of aquatic products industry in Korea.
The investigation was made difficult by the lack of pertinent historical data. The first part of the present study is based on “Richo-jitsuroku.” “Seso-jitsuroku-chirishi” is the chief reference book for the latter part. “Togoku-yochi-shoron” is also referred to. It is hoped a somewhat concrete description of the subject is attained.
Taxes on fishing grounds and salt-pits had been one of the main resources of the country from olden times. Also, fishery and salt-manufacture were two important industries from the military standpoint. Thereupon, these industries were promoted most vigorously from generation to generation, although it came to pass that the government and the potentates started to own privately fishing grounds and salt-works, with the result that the nation's finance was thrown into disorder and the people suffered from heavy taxes and hard labor imposed on them.
Fishing method in the first period of the Li dynasty is represented by “Gyoryo, ” which means fishing in the fixed fishing grounds. Cod and Guchi were the fish caught.
Salt-manufacture was conducted along the entire coast of Korea. The salt-manufacturing method was chiefly that of the dobon (pit) mode. Much efforts were made to promote saltmaking industry, e. g., letting the navy take charge of saltmanufacture, or monopolizing of the industry by the state. Yet, among salters and the government officials concerned there were many who indulged in corrupt practices, and it became necessary for the government to issue frequently edicts prohibiting illegal traffic of salt.
There was little effect of these decrees, however, and with decreased revenue the financial condition of the state was eventually made precarious.
In those days, when currency economy was not yet firmly established, salt was supplied to the people in exchange for rice or cloth. From this practice many difficult problems were to arose in later times, and by these difficulties the development of currency economy was to a great extent prevented.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (1654K) -
小原 敬士1952 年 3 巻 5-6 号 p. 197-207,A19
発行日: 1952/01/15
公開日: 2009/04/30
ジャーナル フリーBritish coal is the fundamental resources which have made possible Britain's rapid and gigantic economic expansion. However, it is not that British coal has been regarded as valuable resources from the beginning. It was after 17th century that coal began to be used generally and became priceless resources in the true sense of the word.
Already in the Roman age coal was in use as fuel to a certain degree but this was only in limited localities. For a long time most of the rich coal fields in Britain had not been mined at all.
Nevertheless, when the method of melting iron by burning charcoal was discarded, when a new method of using coal in ironmanufacture was found, and when in production technics progress was made such as the invention of a steam-engine, and on the basis of such technical progress the development of the modern capitalist industry was realized, it was no longer possible for those rich coal fields of Britain to remain undisturbed.
In this sense, the history of British industry is at the same time the history of actualization of British coal resources.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (1058K) -
明,清時代河野 通博1952 年 3 巻 5-6 号 p. 208-218,A20
発行日: 1952/01/15
公開日: 2009/04/30
ジャーナル フリーEver since the river Hwang started to flow on the bed of the Hwai River, flood-disasters in the basin of the Hwai, especially in the lower reaches of the river stretching over the Kiang-Su and the An-Hwei Province, had become all the more violent.
Besides, frequent break down of the banks of the Hwang and the resultant change in the river's flowing direction caused diverse districts in the Hwai basin to be damaged by flood.
This change in a site of the flood-disaster is studied in this paper by dividing the Min and the Chin dynasty, i. e., 544 years, into 27 periods and investigating principal flooded areas in each period of 20 years.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (1098K) -
日比野 丈夫1952 年 3 巻 5-6 号 p. 219-224,A20
発行日: 1952/01/15
公開日: 2009/04/30
ジャーナル フリーPeking_??__??_, Soochow_??__??_, Foshan_??__??_and Hankow_??__??_were, according to Liu Hsien-t'ing_??__??__??_, the geographer of that day, were four commercial centers in the 17th century China. Now T'ienchin_??__??_, Shanghai_??__??_and Canton_??__??_(or Hongkong_??__??_)has replaced the former three cities. This fact means that inland cities have lost their importance, and the seaside cities in neibourhood have taken their places. It means also that the inland navigation systems still have never changed since more than 300 years.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (587K) -
イェルサレムの場合辻田 右左男1952 年 3 巻 5-6 号 p. 225-230,A21
発行日: 1952/01/15
公開日: 2009/04/30
ジャーナル フリーHistories of the walled-cities may be traced most exactly by reviewing the sites, removal and rebilding of their walls. There seems many such interesting examples the walled-cities in China. But the present writer only intends to trace the transformation of town-landscape in Jerusalem, by inspecting the related books and maps. Modernization is occuring on the oldest and most peculiar city in the world, but there stood dirty, ill-paved and crooked streets in comparison with macadamazised motor roads in Jewish Colony. The wall of it still separates, as defore, the modern human groups from the old, traditional communities. Both landscape, in-and out of the wall exemplify this fact clearly.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (590K)
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