Today, the functional consideration of regions as a field in historical geography has given rise to the concept of the historical region or historical territory. And one of its fruits is that the subject on the interrelationship between the substantive region and formal region has been developing. For instance, the studies of the Kinsei-Go (_??__??__??_) can be regarded as an example of the results. Furthermore, most of these studies have already reckoned the Hanryos (_??__??_) as a framework of the research. However, there seems to be little study of the fieves which were under the directed control of the Shogunate, or generally called as Tenryos (_??__??_).
Therefore, I think that Tenryos should be discussed from the standpoint of the historical research. On that occasion, we are able to point out the existence of the Kumiaimura (_??__??__??_), that is the intermediate territory, in the Tenryos.
In order to explain the interrelationship between the substantive region and formal region, this paper deals with the intermediate territory Kumiaimura in the Kaikoku Tenryos in the late Edo era. To study the subject, the auther, first of all, investigated the distribution and size of Kumiaimura that is regarded as the local political territory of Tenryos and also the political regionalization of Kumiaimura that is considered as political trend of the Shogunate. Secondly, as the paper analyses the function of the Gunchusodai (_??__??__??__??_), also clarifies the historical foundation of what the formation of Kumiaimura has been based on and accepted.
The main results of the paper are summarized as follows:
(1) The Kaikoku is situated at the fief of the Shogunate, in a sense, it is assigned to the Tokugawa-Ichimons (_??__??__??__??_) or Hudai-daimyos (_??__??__??__??_) etc., from the early Edo era. Moreover, these Tenryos were generally of very large size and differed from the fieves of the Kanto districts or Kinki districts, and it frequently happened that a village was rulled over by more than two rulers.
(2) Judging from the distribution and size of Kumiaimura, the Suji (_??_), the historical territory in the early Edo era, lost the political significance, nevertheless, it was becoming the substantive region more and more.
And that the Suji seemed to have served as the standard in the organizing process of the self-governed Torishimari-Kumiaimura (_??__??__??__??__??_). However, in the late Edo era, especially during the period of the Bunka, the self-governed Kumiaimura was divided and local political territories Kumiaimura were then formed.
(3) It appeared that the Kumiaimura which had achieved a position of the intermediate territory in the Tenryos, strengthened its political function in keeping pace with the collapse of the Shogunate. And it is shown in the division of self-governed Kumiaimura as stated above.
(4) Judging from the Gunchu-sodai's function, it turned out that Kumiaimura in the Kuninaka had accepted the villages in allied structure for collecting rice as annual land tax and carrying it to the Edo. On the other hand, in the Gunnai that missed this opportunity, the self-governed Torishimari-Kumiaimura or Sukego-Kumiaimura (_??__??__??__??__??_) have been the historical foundation.
(5) Moreover, the sphere of Kumiaimura in the Gunnai and in the north-west Kofu basin that is established at the end of the Tokugawa regime, were later developing into the Kusei (_??__??_) of the early years of the Meiji.

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In Japan, the number of minshuku (private hostel) has increased after World War II, especially in the 1960s, when skiing, fishing and swimming became more popular, and farmers and fishers began to try another way to gain their income by offering their private rooms for tourist.
Thus minshuku has increased and the region has spread at the foot of a mountain and along the seashore. This phenomenon is regarded by geographers as one aspect of the economic improvement of underdeveloped regions and of the inhabitants there. And the existence of non-minshuku households in the neighbourhood of minshuku households is often neglected and paid no attention to.
The author, however, points out that such a phenomenon as mentioned above should not be dealt with only from the economic point of view, but also from the view point of total change in the social system of the community including non-minshuku households. Village that has not a few minshuku households in it is not a mere minshuku region but forms a “minshuku community.” The purpose of this paper is to describe and analyze the forming process and the inner structure of minshuku community.
Suginosawa, the area studied, is one of the typical minshuku regions in Joshinetsu Highland National Park, located on a snowy mountain-side in Niigata prefecture. In this village, more than 100 minshuku households for skiers are found, which comprise 40% of the households. The new enterprise of minshuku is not necessarily effective enough to improve their economic conditions. The reason why minshuku has increased in Suginosawa should be considered from the social point of view; that is, the remarkable system of traditional society should also be taken into consideration. Its forming process is as follows.
The leaders of this community found it desirable to increase the number of minshuku households, because they had already started minshuku and wished to expand the ski ground, but part of the lot for a new ski ground was under control of the community as a whole. By increasing the number of minshuku, they could easily change the land utilization from woods to a ski ground. In various ways, the leaders encouraged the non-minshuku households to set up minshuku.
Still, 60% of the households in Suginosawa are non-minshuku. Yet most of them hold some relation to minshuku and ski ground management. In the first place, they often serve at the neighbouring minshuku managed by their relatives, just in the same way as they help them to farm the land. What is more, the rent of their common land for ski ground is used for the improvement of their residential environment, for example, pavement of the main road, construction of their community hall, etc., just in the same way as they made use of the common woods for the material of their houses.
In consequence, to gain more income is not the only reason minshuku has increased in this village. And the increase of minshuku has influenced most of the households. The author, therefore, regards the case in Suginosawa as “minshuku community” rather than minshuku region, the village making up a “community for ski ground management.”
It is often said in Japan that the traditional community system prevents the village (region) from developing or modernizing. But in Suginosawa, the system has had the function to develop and modernize the village. So, the author concludes that geographical research for minshuku and modernization of a rural region should be made having in mind the thought that a traditional social system can often bring a modern system into it.

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In this paper, the present writer has investigated the structure of sakamai production in the northern Settsu, especially the late Misima and Toyono county (Gun) in Osaka Prefecture. Settsu has been famous for commercial crop production since the Edo Period, not only for sakamai, but also for rapeseed and cotton production.
Therefore, having called Settsu sakamai-belt, economic historians have analyzed the social and economic structure of the belt, in order to study the most developed agricultural region of Japan at that time. As a result of these studies, it is pointed out that the social strata of farmers in earch settlement had revealed difference, even as early as the end of the Edo Period. On the other hand, village shipment associations for selling sakamai were established in 1886. These associations collected rice from tenant farmers instead of individual paying to their landlords. This system was called “Furi”. It is thought that its origin lies in the “Zaibarai” method of paying land tax to the feudal lords in the Edo Period.
In order to analyze the above mentioned disparities of strata through the period of free trade in rice, the present writer selected two settlements with different prices for the sale of sakamai. The one is Ao-madani-oku in the present Mino City, which has the highest sakamai price. The other is Bonosima in the same city, which has lower price. Then, the present writer has made inquiries into how the irrigation system of earch settlement is different, and how the differences of the social strata between two settlements are grown by control of the sake brewery companies. And the verified facts are the followings.
In Ao-madani-oku, terraced paddy fields are controled by river irrigation system which is abundant in clean water. The greater parts of sakamai were gathered from owner farmers. The village shipment association selled sakamai usually to the fixed brewery company. Absentee landlords occupied few arable lands.
In Bonosima settlement, on the contrary to Ao-madani-oku, paddy fields are controlled by irrigation ponds which had been constructed by each landholder before the Edo Period, and which are managed by dual irrigation associations of settlements. Many farmers were subjected to absentee landlords and village ones. Sakamai which were chiefly gathered from tenant farmers in “Furi”, were selled to unfixed sake brewery companies, with which they contracted annually through the buyers. While, tenant farmers acquired bounty on tenant rice.
From the Taisyo era up to the first decade of Syowa era, rice price revealed dynamic change. Also, since this period, the yield of sakamai per unit area in Osaka prefecture has been stagnant because of difficulty of innovation of new variety of sakamai. Considering these circumstances, the present writer analized the trend of sakamai production in northern Settsu before and after this period. In conclusion, it is found that the area of sakamai production has expanded in these counties during this period, and that this tendency promoted sakamai cultivation under the owner farmers.
In the northern Settsu, the differences of settlements in the social strata of the farmers were increased during free trade in rice. The activity of the union of peasants was vivid in the settlement, in which absentee landlords occupied many arable lands. And the feature of each village differed accordingly how many absentee landlords there were. In spite of the early formation of village shipment associations of sakamai selling, they couldn't achieve the original function of creating a seller's market.

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