Floriculture has been one of the industries in which Japanese immigrants and their descendants successfully engaged in California. In their participation in this intensive type of agriculture, ethnic organizations emerged both in San Francisco and Los Angeles and played key roles in the immigrants' economy and society. The present paper is intended to describe and analyze the development and change of Japanese floriculture in southern California from its beginning before the turn of the century through the sudden interruption during World War II and the post-war transformation. Some comparison is attempted with the San Francisco Bay Area Japanese floriculture which experienced a similar pattern of development.
Japanese flower production in Los Angeles began just before the turn of the century, several years after its initiation in the San Francisco Bay Area. The first formal organization of Japanese growers of Los Angeles, the Southern California Flower Market, played a central role in the development of the Japanese flower industry from its establishment in 1913. It not only was the focal point of the growers' economic activities but also functioned to promote socio-cultural cohesion among the Issei.
While the entire southern California coast offers nealy optimal climatic conditions for flower production, most Japanese flower growers before World War II were located in the immediate vicinity of Los Angeles. The warmer winters encouraged field production. In contrast to the Bay Area, greenhouses were little used by the Japanese growers here. Annuals were grown chiefly from seed. The beach areas were particularly important for supplying the summer flowers while producers in inland areas grew winter flowers. In the early days many Japanese produced flowers alongside commercial plots of berries and vegetables. Many more types of flowers were grown in southern California than in the Bay Area where only roses, carnations and chrysanthemums were of significance.
Japanese flower growers, like the Japanese truck farmers of southern California, usually leased their land. In the Bay Area, on the other hand, ownership of land was widespread. Plenty of open land was available for rent before World War II and growers had no difficulty finding the necessary space for their operations. The dominance of field production of annuals, however, to some extent may have reflected the absence of a guaranteed long-term access to the land.
The Japanese evacuation during World War II brought about a sudden disruptiqn of Japanese activities on the West Coast and gave rise to multifaceted changes in the post-war Japanese community and economy. Floriculture was one of the few Japanese sub-economies which was rapidly and successfully reconstructed both in norhtern and southern California with the successful reestablishment of flower markets. Their firmly established pre-war basis had not been fully preempted by other groups during their absence. The ethnic alignment of the industry was reaffirmed.
Although Japanese floriculture has been completety reconstructed and ethnic cooperativism revived, the industry has experienced both quantitative and qualitative changes. A substantial number of Japanese growers in the Los Angeles area moved away from this traditional center of production to escape increasing urban pressures. New developments have taken place in the coastal districts of San Diego, Ventura and Santa Barbara counties. In these new floricultural regions of southern California Nisei growers appear to have lost both the geographical and cultural closeness and cohesiveness that characterized those engaged in the industry prior to World Was II. The Southern California Flower Growers of Los Angeles, an ethnic organization, still plays an important economic role in the industry as a local wholesaling center.

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Landscape evaluation is one of the main subjects in the field of geographical studies. Yet, little effort has been made in Japan to further study in the area of landscape evaluation and landscape characteristics. This study deals with 33 lakes in Japan as a sample, and aims to work out a model by which an appropriate evaluation of tourist resources can be obtained.
33 sample lakes are chosen with due consideration to their location, origin, size, horizontal and vertical distribution so that the samples are evenly distributed and regional bias is eliminated.
12 factors are set forth for evaluation of these samples: area, length of shore line, depth, transparency, shape, nutritive condition, origin, accessibility, existence of islands, surrounding scenery and other characteristics. Lake color, though an important factor, was only obtainable for half the samples. Therefore, we treated it as one factor among other “characteristics.”
Each of these 12 factors is standardized into three to five categories, and is applied to chosen samples, giving each lake a category score on each of these factors. A matrix chart is thus obtained of 33 lakes with category scores for 12 selected factors.
Ratings for 33 samples given by such specialists as limnologists and tourism planners are used to represent “general evaluation” as criterion variable. By analyzing the ratinge of 15 specialists for 33 lakes, we came to the conclusion that nine of them gave a fair and appropriate evaluation. Therefore, an arithmetical mean of the ratings given by nine specialists is used as a “ general evaluation.”
When we use the discriminat method of Qualification Theory I, 12 factors are too many to analyze as compared with the number of samples. Therefore, 12 factors are classified into three groups by the discriminant method of Qualification Theory III. Then, by stepwise regression analysis, 3 factors are left as key factors in evaluating the lake; namely, transparency, surrounding scenery and accessibility.
A category score of the factors thus chosen is obtained by calculating the relationship between the “general evaluation” and the 3 remaining factors, with the help of the method of Qualification Theory I. The range of these 3 factors are, respectively, 0.8744, 1.8544 and 0.8609. Its multiple regression coefficient is 0.8467, which proves that not much loss of information is caused when the number of factors decreased from twelve to three. The 3 remaining factors are very simple ones, easy to understand and to apply; transparency can be gauged by existing data. Accessibility can be gauged with topographical maps. Scenic quality of surrounding scenery is maintained by using sub-elements.
An objective, yet very simple, method of evaluation is thus established. We can safely say that this method is also applicable to any other tourist resources: mountains, plateau, rivers, etc.

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The essential approach and object of Linguistic Geography is to establish the history of words or some linguistic forms by analyzing distribution maps or linguistic atlases. But it is only the relative history of those forms that we can speculate on from the linguistic atlas and from some theories and rules about linguistic changes. So we have to make the most of other non-linguistic data at the same time in order to know the absolute history of the forms.
In the center of Tohoku district (west-central part of Iwate prefecture and eastcentral part of Akita prefecture), we can recognize some local dialectical forms of the word for“horsefly”. The dialectical forms can be divided into four groups as follows,
A; ((ushi-abu)),
B; ((umasashi-abu)),
C; ((hachi-abu)),
D; the others,
In order to see the conditions of their distribution, these groups can be arranged as A……→B……→C from the oldest to the newest.
Analysis shows that the distribution area of the word “umasashi-abu” corresponds with that of the house type “magari-ya”, which is characteristic of this region. “magari-ya” has been produced functionally so as to be convenient to feed horses (“Nambu-goma”). The name “umasashi-abu” means “the troublesome horsefly which stings horses and cows and sucks their blood”, demonstrating the sympathy of mankind for horses.
So, our conclusions are that these two must have developed almost simultaneously, and that the linguistic change from A to B occured in the early Edo period when the policy of the Nambu feudal clan recommending that people raise horses spread over its administrative territory.

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