The purpose of this paper is to clarify the immigration process of agricultural emigrants to Hokkaido from Tokushima prefecture early in the Meiji era.
The form of immigration to Hokkaido at this period was mainly collective migration and the author has confirmed six groups; Niki-group (117 households) immigrated into Yoichi county in 1879, the second immigrant group (61 households) into the same settlement in 1881, Kaishinsha-group (9 households) into Sapporo county in 1881, Kosansha-group (32 households) into Sapporo county, Takekichi-group (23 households) into Setana county in 1882, and Setana-group (21 households) into Setana county in 1884.
Except for the Kaishinsha- and Kosansha-groups, the other groups were led or induced by Takekichi Niki, who played the part of leader when the early migrant groups emigrated to Hokkaido from Tokushima prefecture. His purpose was to cultivate Japanese indigo plants and manufacture indigo in Hokkaido. Accordingly, the area where Takekichi Niki recruited the first immigrants was the Kitagata-Shimogoori region, which was a central cultivation region for Japanese indigo plants on the lower Yoshino River. He intended to produce indigo in Hokkaido, because it was easy to obtain land on the rich plains and cheap fish manure which were indispensable for cultivation of the indigo plant. As they were petty peasants and were distressed by the rising price of fish manure, many farmers in the Kitagata-Shimogoori region responded to Takekichi's recruiting.
However, Takekichi, who at first intended to increase the indigo production, became more and more eager to recruit poor peasants as immigrants. Therefore, he also recruited immigrants in the Minamigata region, were the indigo plant had not been cultivated. This implies that the source region of immigrants to Hokkaido spread from the Kitagataregion to the Minamigata region. As the indigo production in Tokushima prefecture declined after the middle of the Meiji era, part of the surplus labor moved to Hokkaido and Tokushima prefecture became the biggest supplier of immigrants in western Japan. Some of these later immigrants settled at the settlement of the early immigrants or at their peripheries. This is because the settlement of the early immigrants played the role of axis for the later immigrants.

抄録全体を表示

This paper is concerned with the impact of the Quantitative Revolution on leading graduate departments of geography in the United States through two indices: proximity of graduate departments of geography in terms of PhDs granted; and fundamental dimensions of departmental specialties. Data sources are 1) Directory of College Geography of the United States, Academic Year 1962-1963; 2) Guide to (Graduate) Departments of Geography in the United States and Canada 1976-1977, 1984-1985, 1985-1986; and 3) AAG Directory 1982. In addition to those analyses, the recent development of the Scientific Geography movement was briefly described on the basis of Scientific Geography newsletters.
First, in order to examine the supply of quantitative geographers, Smallest Space Analysis-II was applied to PhD transaction matrices. The resulting two-dimensional column solution is termed “proximity space”, revealing an outflow pattern of graduates. Less than thirty departments were selected for study, most of which appeared in Morrill's (1980) department ranking (Fig. 2). The faculty members included were associate professors and full professors.
Proximity space for 1962-1963 is shown in Fig. 3. Major departments are grouped into two clusters: 1) Washington, Northwestern and Chicago, and 2) Wisconsin and UC Berkeley. According to Raup (1961), the former group in partcular consists of economic geography-oriented departments. The proximity space clustering shows a pattern in which, while major departments specializing in a single research field or emphasizing synthetic research occupy the central part, others employing graduates from these departments surround them.
Proximity space for 1976-1977 (Fig. 4) shows a pattern in which departments producing many geographers are located in the center, and others employing graduates from these departments occupy the periphery. In contrast with 1962-1963, when major departments were divided into two groups, they form one group as a whole across the 1976-1977 proximity space. This may be due to the fact that personnel interchange was accelerated among major departments. Considering the space in detail, such departments famous for their quatitative research as Washington, Chicago, Northwestern, Iowa and Ohio State form a sub-group in the lower rightward portion. This suggests that the Quantitative Revolution is no longer a revolution, and that departments exclusively producing quantitative geographers have come to form a cluster.
Proximity space for 1984-1985 is shown in Fig. 5. Its fundamental character is the same as in 1976-1977: departments producing large numbers of geographers are located in the central part. The “quantitative”-oriented group occupies the Left portion; this group is in turn sub-divided into the “long-established” departments of Washington, Northwestern and Iowa, and the “emerging” departments of Ohio State, Toronto and McMaster. This is related to the fact that the content of quantitative geography is beginning to be differentiated to some extent, though departments exclusively producing quantitative geographkrs still form a cluster.
Second, in order to ascertain whether quantitative geography has already taken root in American geography, the fundamental dimensions of departmental specialities were elicited. A binary data matrix indicating the presence of 37 specialties in 29 departments were standardized so that the sum of squares of each row vector is equal to 1.0. The resulting data matrix as an input data was subjected to factor analysis. Two major factors were extracted, accounting for 65% of the total variance (Table 3). In the case of Factor I, loadings are highly correlated with the number of specialties of the depertment (r=0.917^**). Scores are completely correlated with the number of departments offering the specialty concerned (r=0.999^**).

抄録全体を表示

To consider regional characteristics and differences in standard of living in the process of Japanese modernization, household consumption needs to be carefully examined. As food occupied the major portions of household consumption in the Meiji Era, it is important to clarify the nature of food consumption in each micro region. In this paper, the author examines food consumption and its regional differences in Ibaraki Prefecture in the late Meiji Era, using data recorded in Chosonze (a statistical record of each town and village).
The results obtained can be summarized as follows:
1. The per capita consumption of grain and potatoes was 4.00 go (about 0.18 liter) on an average, among which rice amounted to 2.66 go (66.5%). Thus rice was the most important food in the late Meiji Era.
2. The consumption of rice differed regionally within the prefecture. More rice was consumed in Inashiki, Namekata and Niihari counties on Lake Kasumigaura, while in Sashima and Yuki counties in western Ibaraki Prefecture, rice consumption was substantially limited. On the other hand, the consumption of wheat and barley represented an opposite pattern, being greater in the western part of the prefecture and less in Namekata and Niihari counties.
3. The per capita calorie consumption of major foods such as grain, potatoes, beans, vegetables, miso, soy sauce and sake was about 2, 300 kilocalories. Taking the consumption of other foods like fish into consideration, the total per capita consumption in calories was about 2, 400 kilocalories. This is as much as the number of calories consumed by a full-time farmer after World War II.
4. In general, the rice consumed in each village was locally grown by the villages by themselves. Imported rice was not common except in towns and flshing villages.

抄録全体を表示

This paper presents a preliminary assessment of the nature and extent of rural deprivation in mountainous areas of Japan. In recent years the scope of British rural geography has broadened into social problems and planning and a special emphasis has been placed on deprivation in rural areas. In mountainous areas of Japan, typical regional depression has progressed for the last thirty years, that is, restricted job opportunities, low income, a higher rate of aged population and above all serious depopulation. So most of these areas have been designated as ‘problem areas’ (KASO areas or development mountain villages) by the Central Government. For examining key aspects of such problem areas, it seems appropriate to adopt a welfare approach based on the concept of deprivation. But from this point of view, little research has been carried out. Therefore this study attempts to establish the fundamental dimensions of deprivation and to classify mountain villages based on the spatial variation of deprivation. The former was analysed through the use of principal component analysis and the latter was achieved by a cluster analysis (Ward's method). Local authority areas (shi, cho, son) are used as the areal framework and 683 mountain villages were selected for this analysis. The results obtained are summarized as follows:
1. As a result of the principal component analysis of deprivation characteristics (36 variables, shown in Table 1) in 1980, the author extracted eight components (cumulative percentage of the total variance, 66.0%), all of which had eigenvalues of over unity (Table 2). The character of the components is indicated in Table 3. The first four components represent social and economic dimensions and the other four components explain the living conditions. The major four components could be termed as follows: the level of aging of the society (eigenvalue; 7.8, Percentage of the total variance explained; 21.8%), the trend of depopulation (KASOKA) (4.0, 11.0%), the condition of occupation and household economy (3.7, 10.3%), the level of employment opportunity and income (2.6, 7.2%). This result suggests that the most important factor of deprivation in mountainous areas is the increase of aged population and its effects on mountain village society.
2. The spatial patterns of deprivation were clarified by a typology of mountain villages based on the first four components. Six types were derived from a cluster analysis (Fig.3, Fig.4, Fig.5). The spatial patterns of these types were explained from two points of view. One is the contrast of Eastern and Western Japan produced in relation to the extent of depopulation, the other is the center-periphery relation which is concerned with the regional imbalance of the national economy (Fig. 7).
3. From the spatial variations obtained above, it became clear that rural deprivation in mountainous areas of Japan can be classified into eight regional types: 1) metropolitan region-type, 2) surrounding areas of metropolitan region-type, 3) Tohoku-type, 4) Chugoku mountains-type, 5) northern Tohoku-type, 6) outer belt of south west Japan-type, 7) Kyushu-type, 8) Hokkaido-type.

抄録全体を表示