A previous paper by the author (1987) analyzed spatial patterns of residential mobility of high-rise building dwellers with reference to their direction and distance and attempted to clarify the reasons for migrating from the previous residence and selecting present houses in the case of Hiroshima City. This paper will try again to find the directional and distance bias of migration of high-rise building dwellers and clarify their resons for moving from their previous houses and selecting their present houses in the case of Fukuoka City. The main results are summarized as follows:
1. According to a summary of questionnaires of 206 sampled dwellers in 22 high-rise buildings in Fukuoka City, it was recognized that many of the sampled dwellers migrated within the neighborhoods of their previous dwelling. Thus short distance migrations are predominant among high-rise building dwellers in Fukuoka City as well as in Hiroshima City. Therefore the sampled dwellers' migration has a distance bias, as found in the works of Simmons (1968), Johnston (1969) etc.
This distance bias differs from one group to another according to such attributes as age, occupation, academic career, or location of their residence. There is a trend that members of the young household group move longer distances than other older household groups. Also, the migration distance of the elder household group has a smaller standard deviation, so their migration has a short distance bias because they are attached to their neighborhoods. Those engaged in commerce and service industries, who are well rooted in their localities, move shorter distances than other occupational groups. This tendency in Fukuoka City is the same as in the case of Hiroshima City. But little clear difference is found in migration distance among subgroups at a significant level of 5% by t-test and F-tests.
Also, distance bias differs by resident location. Migrations of residents near the CBD or far from the CBD are longer-distance migrations than that of residents who live in the middle distance from the CBD. And the distance of migrations of many sampled dwellers in the eastern sector from the CBD are long, since the eastern sector has geomorphological restrictions.
2. From examining the migration directions by 8 sectors divided equally around the CBD, it was discovered that about 30% of the sampled dwellers migrated within the same sector, and over 50% moved either within the same sector or from its adjacent sectors. This implies that residential mobility of the sampled dwellers in Fukuoka City has the same directional bias as the results of the study in Hiroshima City. This directional bias of residents near the CBD is not stronger than that of residents located on the fringe of the built-up area. Therefore Adams' model is better applied to the urban fringe than the neighborhoods of the CBD. Many of the elderly households (over 60 years old) migrated within their residential sector, so their migration has a stronger directional bias than other age groups. Also, long term residents in their present houses have a strong directional bias.
3. The residential structure of Fukuoka City was anaiyzed by the method of factorial ecology, using census data from 1980. The first factor was composed of some variables which indicate family status. Comparing factor scores of previous residence with that of the present one, many of the sampled dwellers migrated within the areas of equal level to the first factor score. So there is a trend for young householders migrate to the area where many young householders reside, and on the other hand the elderly migrate to the area where many elderly people reside.
4. Applying the two-stage model (Brown and Moore, 1970) in the decision-making process, an uncomfortable and inconvenient environment are major reasons for moving from the previous house. And remarkably, many of the sampled households moved because of work transfers.

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The purpose of this paper is to unveil the implicit thinking making up images of a rural landscape. For this purpose, the author tried to clarify how the villagers classify their lands, by analyzing the meaning of place names they themselves have given to their lands, relating to land utilization and the constitution of social groups.
The author chose two mountain villages, Hirao and Sei in Nishiyoshino-mura, Nara Prefecture, as a case study. Hirao is a village of dry field farming. The houses are scattered on slopes facing south. They are classified into three territorial groups. On the other hand, Sei is a village of forestry. The houses are located on the slope near the valley bottom. They are classified into two territorial groups.
This paper makes use of Koaza (Small place names) as materials for analysis, which are written in the land register book made in the 1880's. Hirao has 438 Koaza. Sei has 164. The author studied the frequency of the use of Koaza in the villagers' livelihood. The results obtained here are as follows: Most of Koaza are not independent of livelihood. Especially, when Koaza were recorded in land registers, it was presumed that Koaza had been closely connected with livelihood.
Furthermore, in order to draw out the villagers' recognition of their lands, the author examined the suffix of Koaza from the view point of three groups: suffixes of social significance such as -kaito (settlement); suffixes of natural significance such as -tani (valley), -sako (small valley), -taira (flat place), -yama (mountain), -mine (ridge); and suffixes of situational significance such as -kami (upper), -shimo (below), and -mukai (opposite). The results are summarized as follows:
It is found that landform environments such as steep mountains influence greatly the classification of lands, because there are many suffixes signifying landforms in the two villages. In Hirao, there are various kinds of suffixes. Fields around houses are subdivided and given place names by many suffixes signifying their situations. This shows that the villagers identify the lands in detail and have a great stock of such knowledge. In Sei, the areas of Koaza are larger, and there are fewer kinds of suffixes. These differences between Hirao and Sei in the classification of lands are caused by the differences in their land utilization and spatial organization.
In the process of the classification of lands, it is possible to consider that, at the first stage, the large landforms such as ridge (-mine) or valley (-tani) are clearly classified, and the small landforms such as rock wall (-kura) or rock (-iwa) are distinguished as different landmarks. And then, if the villagers continue to utilize the same fields, they give the new place names like -kaito showing their occupancy. If need be, their surrounding lands are furthermore subdivided by other suffixes signifying a direction such as upper (-kami). We can consider that such classification of lands is created by the villagers' intention to utilize their lands.

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The purpose of this paper is to examine the farmers' perceptions and adjustments to the cool summer hazard damaging rice production. Natural hazard perception studies initiated in 1960s have been evaluated and discussed since the late 1970s. Although such case studies have recently been fewer, the main contemporary task is focussing on the adoption of human adjustments to hazard. Thus, we should probe the relationship between perception and adjustment.
From this standpoint, the author attempts to grasp the farmers' images, describe the adjustments to the hazards, and investigate the relationship between these and the degree of damage-the yield of rice- as the result of the farmer's perception and adjustment.
In the Shimokita Region, Aomori Prefecture, fasmers experienced a series of cool summer hazards from 1980 to 1983. Especially in 1980, they had almost no crops. The farmers in this region began to adopt various adjustments -the shift of cropping varieties, the establishment of nets for windbreaks, etc. But there were differences in the farmers adjustments and these differences were reflected in rice yields.
It was found that the yield of rice in 1983 was connected to the adoption of adjustment. More possitive adoption related to more yield. The image which farmer had toward the hazard was obtained by the semantic differential method test carried out by questionnare. Analysed by factor analysis, four rotated factors that constitute the image are abstracted and identified as follows:
Factor I Seriousness during cool weather
Factor II Fate of suffering hazard damage (controllability)
Factor III Appearance of damage
Factor VI Expectancy of occurence
These four explained 59.1% of the variance. The structure of this image has something in common with the results of previous similar studies.
Finally, the author also examined the relationship between this image and the degree of damage to yield in 1983. It seems that the degree of damage is closely connected to the dimension showing the‘fate’or‘controllability’. That is to say, farmers perceiving their fate pessimistically, namely anticipating damage in the future, attempted to adjust to the cool summer hazard. As a result, they had a good yield of rice and reduced the damage.

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