One of the important problems in social geography is to examine the relationship between the spaces defined by institutional bases and real life spaces of people, in other words, between so-called formal regions and substantive regions. An institutional space, such as an administrative area, does not usually remain as a pure formal region, but grows to a territory with some actual involvement of people. If the institutional framework were abolished, for example, the substantive framework of regions would not likely disintegrate immediately, but would persist for a certain period of time. In Japan the division of feudal clan territories had long been fixed in the Edo Period, but it was almost entirely replaced by a new prefectural system after the Meiji Revolution. This paper attempts to examine to what degree a former clan boundary has influenced the affiliations and organizations of people and how the actual integration has proceeded since the institutional framework of feudal territory dissapeared, through a case study of a region comprised of the Oniyanagi and Aisari Districts, northeastern Japan, where a former clan boundary divided these two districts.
The Oniyanagi and Aisari Districts now belong to the same incorporated municipal unit, Kitakami, Iwate Prefecture, but in the Edo Period the former belonged to the territory of the Morioka Clan (Nanbu Territory) and the latter was a part of the Sendai Clan (Date Territorry). In this study the four aspects of spatial organizations, i. e. 1) administrative areas, 2) social and cultural spaces, 3) economic spaces, and, 4) communal life spaces, and their changes from the beginning of the Meiji Period to the present are examined with special attention to the separation and integration of the above two districts, through an intensive field research. And we consider, through this research, the territoriality of a region where its institutional framework has been drastically changed.
According to our research it is shown that each community of the two districts has had its own cohesiveness, to varying degrees, in each aspect of the spatial organizations through the history of the modern era (after the Meiji Revolution) of Japan. In other words the two districts discussed here have continued to show a strong feeling of territoriality even after the former feudal boundary was abolished. However, it is also true that integration of the two districts in administration as well as in educational activities were tried several times repeatedly, and cooperation and intercommunication in social and cultural lives were also often attempted, especially in recent times after Kitakami was established as a city in 1954. Namely, the opposing forces toward separation as well as integration have operated among these former border areas, and the relationship between these forces has created the essential character of the history in this region.
Although it is not easy to indicate the exact factors which cause the above-mentioned phenomena, we can suggest some general notions. First, as for the conditions which have supported the separation and independence of each district, the following information can be summed up; 1) cultural differences and perception gap caused by a continuing barrier function of the former clan boundary, 2) differences in agricultural practices and irrigation systems which are closely related to the physical conditions of each district, and, 3) social secession which would be fed back to further separation in social organizations. Second, the backgrounds for the movements toward integration can be summarized by indicating following three factors; 1) geographical conditions, especially the lack of evident physical dividing lines at the border area, 2) enlargement of economic regions, especially the growing urbanization of Kitakami, and, 3) political situations, especially the formation of large administrative units such as Iwate Prefecture or the city of Kitakami.

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During the Edo period, city dwellers used precincts of temples and shrines in cities for various purposes. However, such places have not been studied sufficiently in geographical studies on cities of the Edo period. Therefore, it is important to consider the role which they played in cities during the Edo period. In this paper, I try to investigate what kinds of performances were put on in such places in Kyoto during the late Edo period. Because a place where various performances were put on was one of the typical functions they had.
In Kyoto, various performances were put on not only at Shijo-Kawara but also in other places such as precincts of temples and shrines during the Edo period. Most of performances in such places were put on at temporary theaters when a certain festival was held there. And after performances ended, theaters and other buildings were removed.
But in the nineteenth century, performances of kabuki, ningyo-joruri and so on were put on regularly at“Teramachi”(a part of the district of temples and shrines in Kyoto: Teramachi-Sanjo∼Teramachi-Shijo) and Inaba-Yakushi. In these two precincts, there were permanent theaters and the same showman put on performances for a long time and young actors trained themselves. Furthermore, there were also vaudeville theaters, recreation facilities, restaurants, notions stores and so on at“Teramachi”. In the middle of the nineteenth century, performances in these two precincts were forbidden and the theaters were moved to other places by the Tokugawa Shogunate (Tenpo-kaikaku). But at“Teramachi”, a theater district was rebuilt several years later.
By the way, if we pay attention to the states of the temples and shrines in Kyoto during the late Edo period, we can become aware that the formation of theater districts in these two precincts was one of the phenomena which often arose in Kyoto after the big fire in the end of eighteenth century (Tenmei no taika). Part of precincts of some temples and shrines changed into leased land or rented houses. In case of leased land, the tenants built some buildings, and most of them or rented houses were not used for religious purposes. The main reason for such changes was financial one, especially raising funds for reconstruction or restoration of temples and shrines themselves.
These leased land and rented houses brought about formation of a small town. At “Teramachi”and Inaba-Yakashi, it took the form of a theater district Especially at “Teramachi”, the formation of a theater district is a significant phenomenon in relation to the urban structure of Kyoto during the Edo period. First, by this phenomenon, “Teramachi”was clearly included in the big amusement quarter that had been expanding in the east part of Kyoto since the late seventeenth century. Besides it brought about the change of Teramachi which was one of the symbols of the change of Kyoto into a city of the Edo period. Moreover, this change of Teramachi was brought about not by the Tokugawa Shogunate but by the lower classes. Such state continued fundamentally in the Meiji era and the change of Teramachi was more promoted.

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The rejuvenation of geographic education in the Japanese schools has just come to a critical point, as the Ministry of Education has announced the new prescribed courses of study to be adopted from 1992 (Elementary), 93 (Junior High) and 94 (Senior High) in the schools. In the U.S., the dynamic renaissance movement of geographic education took off in 1984. Geography educators in Japan need to pay careful attention to the progress of the improvement of geographic education in the U.S. schools.
The purpose of this paper is to provide a better understanding of the historical development of geographic education in the U.S., focusing on the very dynamic renaissance movement of geographic education since 1984. It was in 1984 that the Joint Committee of the Association of American Geographers (AAG) and the National Council for Geographic Education (NCGE) edited and published the Guidelines for Geographic Education-Elementary and Secondary Schools.
This paper highlights to two aspects; one is the brief history of geographic education and the other is the current state of the renaissance movement of geographic education in the U.S.
The history of geographic education in the U.S. shows that since the evolution of the social studies as a core curriculum in 1911, geography education has never an active stage in the school curriculum. After World War II, the AAG and the NCGE experienced a very exciting period (1961-70) in the development of the HSGP (High School Geography Project). The HSGP's ideas and strategies for the improvement of geographic education were very successful in causing adoptation of the scientific process of the geography curriculum. However, it may safely be said that the HSGP failed to have their outcomes adopted in the U.S. high school curriculum.
The National Geographic Society with the cooperation of AAG and NCGE has been leading the dynamic renaissance movement of geographic education scheduled for 1986-95. The major goal of the present movement is to reconstruct the contents of the geographic education by adopting the five fundamental themes in geography which were presented in the Guidelines for Geographic Education (1984). The five themes in geography are Location, Place, Relationships within Places, Movement, and Regions. The advantage of the five fundmental themes in geography is the successful display of the conceptualization of geographical themes into five domains. It may safely be said that these fundamental themes of geography constitute the best framework for the improvement of geographic education ever developed in the history of geographic education in the world.
However, it my require careful reconsideration to adopt the basic ideas and the lesson plans of the five fundamental themes in geography into Japanese school curriculum. The original idea of the five fundamental themes in geography was developed to rejuvenate geographic education in the U.S. in which citizenship education is considered the most important educational goal. However, the prescribed courses of study of the Japanese Ministry of Education lay emphasis on the national citizenship education as the most important educational goal.

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This study examined how population density and agricultural land productivity in a metropolitan area varied spatially by discussing the case of the Kanto district. A mathematical model was presented for describing the relationship of these two values. Population density values were calculated from grid-cell data of the population census of 1980. Values of agricultural land productivity were represented by agricultural income per hectare estimated from grid-cell data of the agricultural census of 1980. Figure 3 shows distribution of these values.
We attempted to find the complicated spatial patterns of these values by analyzing the covariation of them in two aspects: the covariation with distance from the city center (Fig. 4) and with azimuth angle in distance belts (Fig. 5).
The facts that we found are summarized as follows:
The covariation with distance showed a tendency to correlate positively in the inside range of 35km and showed a tendency to correlate negatively in the outside range of 35km, except the non-agricultural city core and the mountainous area beyond 95km.
The variation with azimuth angle, both of density and of productivity, consisted of long waves and short waves. The long waves of density and productivity showed similar curves. By contrast, the short waves of them showed inverse curves. This inverse relationship was weaker in the outside range of 35km than the inside.
A mathematical model was then presented on the basis of these facts. This model consists of the following two parts:
1) The covariation with distance
The following formulation describes the covariation of population density f_P and agricultural land productivity f_A with distance. Equation (1) shows the productivity f_A (r, p) at a place where distance from the edge of the city center is r and deviation of density is p. Variables f_A (r, p), g_A (r), and h_A (p) in (1) correspond to curves F_A, G, and H in Figure 6 respectively. The variable g_A (r) is a component declining exponentially with distance r; g_A (r)>0 and (d/dr) g_A (r)<0 for r>0. The variable h_A (r) is a component increasing with decreasing deviation p; (d/dp) h_A (p)<0; h_A (p)≈0 at p=0. Let f_P(r) be the population density at distance r and f_P be the mean value of f_P(r) with respect to overall r, we get p=f_P(r)-f_P and (d/dr)f_P(r)<0. Thus h_A (p) becomes a function of r and (d/dr)h_A(p(r)) becomes positive. Let r₀ be a constant distance, the relationship between g_A (r) and h_A (p) is given by inequalities (2) and (3).
2) The covariation with azimuth angle
The following formulation describes the covariation of population density up and agricultural land productivity u_A, with azimuth angle in a specific distance belt Both u_P and u_A are standardized values with respect to overall angle in the distance belt. The density u_P(θ) at angle θ can be written in equation (4). Variables u_P(θ) and v_P(θ) in (4) correspond to curves U_P and V_P in Figure 7 respectively. The variable v_P(θ) is a component representing long periodic variation; v_P(θ+λ₁)=v_P(θ) for a constant λ₁(>0)

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A large number of gigantic landslides were triggered by typhoon rain in 1889 over the Totsukawa area, Nara prefecture, resulting a serious hazard. Their localities are identified exactly based on the Koaza name in the historical record, the Yoshinogun-Suisaishi. The identification of landslide localities over South- and East-Totsukawa areas was tried this time, and the results were summarized.
Landslide larger than 4×10⁴m² in area have been shown by cliff marks on the topographic map in 1911 (Meiji-44) as same as in the case of West-Totsukawa area reported before. Topograhic features of gigantic landslides are still recongnized clearly on the aerial photos in 1953 taken even 65 years after the hazard.
Description of the localities by Koaza name is frequent at the portions near the settlements or along the trafic routes at that day. In addition, some exaggeration in total number of large landslides is detected, if compared with the number of criff marks in the topographic maps in, 1911, even taking into account of the difference in threshold magnitude for description. Despite these biassed nature, it is clearly true that the Yoshinogun-Suisaishi surves the extraordinarily detailed record of the landslide localities, and this has come from the timing that the hazard occurred just after the detailed survey and registration of land-owner relationship there.

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