The analyses of the migration between metropolitan and nonmetropolitan areas and of the locational behavior of plants including the redistribution of manufacturing employment are effective for examining the urbanization process and restructuring of Japanese urban system. Based on the data of the 1985-90 migration obtained by‘the residence survey before five years’in the 1990 Census the writer examines the net migration of seven age groups between each municipality in Hyogo Prefecture. Although the out-migrations to another prefectures lacks in this data, it is yet very valuable because one can analyze the migration pattern of each of seven age groups in each municipality of Hyogo Prefecture. In this study special attention is focused on the net migration of young people (15-24 and 25-34yr. age groups) and the retired and elderly's migration (65 + and 55-64yr. age groups). Though it is difficult to understand the migration trends by observing the data in only one period, the results analyzed are summarized as follows:
1) Due to a great number of net outmigrants from the manufacturing cities in the Osaka Metropolitan Area such as Amagasaki, Nishinomiya, etc. the migration flows of 25-34yr. age group in this prefecture are the highest and are followed by 35-44yr. age group; this is a little different from the general trend in Japan where the 15-24yr. age group forms the largest flow. In addition, the phenomenon of the second maximum formed by the retired group's migration is not recognized, unlike most western countries, as shown in Table 1.
2) The net migrants of adolescents (15-24yr. age group) tend to be concentrated in Kobe to get opportunities of post-secondary education and various kinds of jobs (Fig. 3) while those of the 25-34yr. age group tend to flow in to central cities such as Himeji, Toyooka etc. for job opportunities, transference and women's marriages from their daily city regions (Fig. 4). The return net migration can be observed in some municipalities in the northern part of the prefecture but such a phenomenon is not so remarkable. In addition, it can be indicated that the mobility of the 45-54 and 55-64yr. age groups has stagnated due to the education of their children (Figs. 6 and 7). Although the mobility of the elderly is similarly not so active, the flows of their net migration are slightly different (Fig. 8). This seems to be affected by the out-migration to their sun's dwelling or to an old-people's home.
3) Analyzing the commuting areas by using the 1985 Census Kobe, Himeji, Toyooka, Nishiwaki and Sumoto qualified as central cities with their own daily city regions. Within them, however, only two higher order centers, Kobe and Himeji, fall under the category of migration centers, although they play a contrasting role in the migration pattern as mentioned above. Since Himeji has experienced a net out-migration by the restructuring of heavy industry, the net out-migrants of its own people of the 25-34yr. age group flow to Kobe so that one cannot recognize the phenomenon of ‘J-turn’, the return migration to the near-by cities of people's native villages. The migration patterns in Toyooka and Nishiwaki also are similar to Himeji.
4) The municipalities are classified into four types by analyzing their migration pattern for each age group: types A, B, C and D. Type A shows a net in-migration pattern for all age groups whereas type D is its opposite. Type B consists of a net in-migration of young people and the a out-migration of middle-aged and old-aged persons including young dependents (5-14 age group), whereass type C is in the converse position. In addition, if types B and C fill the condition of social increase of population, they are subdivided into type B2 and type C1 or C2, respectively.

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Geographical analyses were conducted to identify regional conditions of the villages which have many farmers who sell in the periodic markets in the Echigo Plain. The distribution of such farmers was first identified. As the villages of these farmers were characterized by a predominance of dry fields, the fields were then historically analyzed. Finally, the relationship between the commercialization of dry field crops and the development of periodic markets was discussed.
Current farmers who sell in the periodic markets are distributed heavily in the Kubiki and Kambara Regions. In the case of Kambara, many such farmers reside in the villages on the natural levees of the Shinano and Nakanokuchi Rivers. The distribution of the farmers who sold in Sanjo Town in the Kambara Region in 1879 showed a similar pattern. Because the villages along the Lower Shinano River have large acreage of cultivated land between the levees, the land use of the area between the levees was analyzed by villages. As a result, it became evident that dry fields and orchards predominated in the villages with many farmers who sell in periodic markets.
The land use of Kuribayashi in Sanjo-shi was closely examined as an example of such villages. The area between the levees is national government property under the administration of the Ministry of Construction. Most of the land is currently used as dry fields. The survey lines were drawn perpendicular to the river. The analysis of the 1889 cadastral map revealed that this land had already been developed in the early Meiji Era and that the present land use pattern was formed before that period.
The common grassland between the levees in Kuribayashi was developed from the middle Edo Era. Each villager, even a small peasant, had an equal right to use the development land. The development of the dry fields corresponded to the expansion of cash crop production. Kuribayashi villagers sold rice, soybeans, barnyard grass, hemp, cotton, tobacco, rape, and rushes as cash crops in the Kyoho and Genbun Eras of the Edo Period. The proliferation of periodic markets in the Genroku Era was related to the growth of cash crop production. The use of the dry fields was directed to the production of nursery tress, flowers, and fruits as well as vegetables in the late Edo Era. These crops form today's typical products in the lower Shinano Valley.

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Concerning the appraisal of American cultural geography, two distinct trends are found among English-speaking geographers. Those who attached importance to social and ideological aspects of culture criticized the work in this field for ignoring the dynamic nature of cultural practice. On the other hand, Carl Sauer's thought and attitude attracted the attention of many researchers, and the sources of his originality have been examined as part of a movement.
Although these trends seem to be contradictory, they share some common features. Both of them concentrated on the traditional aspects of American cultural geography, and neglected to take recent research themes into consideration. As is well known, diverse research frontiers expanded in relation to this field during these three decades. It is necessary to examine the development of such frontiers in order to see the present state of cultural geography in its proper perspective.
Research on traditional subsistence activities as the study of man-environment relationships is one of these themes. It has been expanding steadily in close relation to adjacent scientific fields, especially anthropology, and the results are esteemed in an interdisciplinary arena rather than within geography.
The purpose of this review is to trace the development process of this kind of study and to give a new perspective on contemporary cultural gengraphy. It also intends to lay a founation to promote emerging research on similar themes in Japan.
The beginning of research on traditional subsistence activities can be recognized in the works of a few geographers in the 1960's. Although a fear of environmental determinism was still felt in this period, the framework of cultural ecology of J. Steward in anthropology encouraged their attempts. Some of these reserchers such as W. C. Clarke and B. Nietschmann adopted the methods of ecological anthropology which emergeds in 1960's criticizing cultural ecology. But it is noteworthy that they gave more attention to environmental change by human use of resources than to the maintenance of the homeostasis in ecological systems, which anthropologists such as R. A. Rappaport regarded as important. By the beginning of 1970's the relevancy of this kind of research was accepted in geography, but most of the studies concentrated on tropical agriculture, especially on shifting cultivation.
Since this period, divergent objects and subthemes were pursued, and a new framework in anthropology which emphasized adaptive strategy was gradually adopted. At the same time many geographers became conscious of the common nature of traditional subsistence systems. For example, it became clear that their use of energy is more efficient than that of modern systems which depend heavily on fossil fuels. Sustainability without the supply of external resources was also regarded as a common merit of traditional systems compared with modern ones. In addition, the data accumulated by these studies were applied to inquiries on prehistoric subsistence, such as food production in the ancient civilizations of Central America. This kind of research enabled the realistic reconstruction of the systems.
Along with these studies, changes of subsistence systems which have the merits mentioned above attracted the attention of researchers. Most of the societies they studied had exposed to external forces and were compelled to transform their subsistence systems. According to their reports this kind of influence brought drastic changes to the systems, such as the excessive exploitation of local resources of high market value and the reduction of their sustainability.
Some researchers extended the scope of analysis to development policies, which not only altered traditional systems but also generated social problems. Emphasizing the role of external influence, the study of disaster in traditional societies adopted a similar point of view.

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This article aims to analyze the origin of and characteristics newcomers, the characteristics of them, the attribute of their dwellings, and the problems of displacement in Nishijin, Kyoto.
Nishijin has been the historical weaving center of Kyoto. A lot of textile factories, however, have closed in recent years. The townscape of this district is attractive, because the streets are lined with a neat row of houses. Since most of the buildings were constructed before the Pacific War, they have deteriorated in recent years. And the district is rapidly losing population, especially the younger generation. From this point of view, Nishijin is a typical inner city area.
During the early- and mid-1980's a number of residential buildings were constructed mainly in the place where the textile industry stood. And in-movers to this district have increased since the mid-1980's. Particularly in-movers from within the city of Kyoto have increased. This trend is related to the stage of urban development of this city. The population density of the central area is high, so there are still many outmovers from there. Since the suburban residential districts have not fully matured, there are relatively few members of the younger generation, who live away from their parents. Therefore in-movers, who lived inside the city, out-number those returning from the suburbs.
During the first half of 1980's a number of residential buildings were constructed, and then new types of people come to the district. The increase of the white collar class is remarkable.
There are two types of residential buildings. One is a condominium which has four or five rooms. As a residence it has enough room for three persons, the average house-hold size. Its style corresponds to that of gentrifiers. Its residents are young couples in their late twenties or thirties, and most of them have one or two children. It is a feature of Japanese gentrification that the predominant type of residents are familes with children. The other type of bulldings are apartment buildings which consist of single rooms with private kitchen and bath. Their residents are singles, mainly students. Most of students had hitherto dwelled in rented rooms without private kitchens and baths. Since they preferred to live in the upgraded comfortable dwellings, landlords have constructed such apartment buildings for them. This means gentrification by landlords. And the residents are marginal gentrifiers.
The construction of residential buildings is made possible the existence of sites of closed textile factories. Since the demand for the residential buildings has increased in the latter 1980's, they have been built in sites where houses have been pulled down. Therefore displacement of residences has increased in recent years.
This phenomenon has many points of resemblance to gentrification in the Western countries. If this trend continues the local inhabitants and the attractive townspace of historical houses will be lost. There is a danger that the pecuriality of this district cannot be maintained.

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