Wie aus der Fachliteratur bereits ersichtlich ist, regelt die öffentliche Hand nicht nur die öffentliche Bodennutung, sondern auch die Nutzung des privaten Grundbesitzes. Diese Regelung hat ihren Ursprung in der kommunalen Bodenpolitik des Industriezeitalters. Diese Politik hat in der Entwicklung der Städte eine große Rolle gespielt. Im Bereich der kommunalen Bodenpolitik in Deutschland können wir 2 Hauptgattungen unterscheiden: Zum einen gibt es den Erwerb und die Verwertung eines städtischen Grundbesitz als direkte Bodenpolitik, die zugleich auch als unmittelbare wirtschaftliche Betätigung der Gemeinde bezeichnet werden kann. Demgegenüber sind die mehr verwaltungsmäßigen Charakter tragenden Bauordnungen und Bebauungspläne zusammen mit der Eingemeindungspolitik mehr als indirekte Bodenpolitik aufzufassen.
In diesem Bericht soll untersucht werden, welche Rolle die kommunale Bodenpolitik in der Siedlungsentwicklung der Industriestadt Duisburg gespielt hat. Den Schwerpunkt bildet der Zeitabschnitt von der Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts bis in die 1920er Jahre. Eine zeitliche Einteilung in die folgenden 4 Phasen scheint hier sinnvoll:
a) der Rückgang von kommunalem Grundbesitz (1815-65)
b) die Wiederherstellung von kommunalem Grundbesitz (1865- Jahrhundertwende)
c) die Anfänge der kommunalen Grundstückswirtschaft (von der Jahrhundertwende bis in die Kriegszeit)
d) der Aufschwung der kommunalen Bodenpolitik (Nachkriegszeit des 1. Weltkriegs)
Die hauptsächlichen Ergebnisse sind folgende:
1) Seit der Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts hatte Duisburg infolge der Industrialisierung eine große Bevölkerungzunahme zu verzeichnen. Als Ergebnis des Baus von Werkes-, Zechen-, Hafen- und Eisenbahnanlagen wurde der Bodenmarkt quantitativ sehr eingeengt.
2) Indirekter und direkter Bodenpolitik standen bis zur Jahrhundertwende für die Regelung des Bodenmarktes nur geringe Mittel zur Verfügung, weil erstgenannte entweder zu schematisch waren oder ihre Chancen verpaßt haben, während durch letztere abgesehen von der Vergrößerung des Waldbesitzes nicht so große Grundstücke erworben werden konnten.
3) Dagegen hat nach dem 1. Weltkrieg die Bodenpolitik durch die Bodenvorratswirtschaft des 1905 gegründeten Grundstücksfonds geblüht. Dabei ist es wichtig, daß der Grundstücksfonds hauptsächlich mit unbebauten Grundstücken handelte. Der Grundstücksfonds hat nicht nur die Stadt finanziell unterstützt, sondern auch insbesondere in Stadterweiterungs- und Eingemeindungsgebieten sehr große Bedeutung gehabt: Der Fonds hat dort auf den Bodenmarkt und den Wohnungmarkt erheblichen Einfluß ausgeübt.

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In the latter half of 1980's, major Japanese cities experienced tremendous rise in land values that caused serious social problems. But there have so far been few contributions by geographers which dealt with commercial land values, still less rent. This paper has three purposes. The first is to estimate rent on retail activities by means of available statistics. The second is to illustrate its spatial organization in an urban area within the framework of location theory (Fig. 2). The third is to explore the changes of commercial rent and land values focusing on their gaps.
Figure 3 shows the Osaka Metropolitan Area for this case study which includes 34 cities lying within about 20km from the CBD. Although it is necessary to examine closely individual management in order to calculate the rent correctly, the author proposes here a simple method of estimating aggregated rent by business type and district on the basis of the statistical data. This approach makes it possible to carry out an investigation into the variation of rent level easily from the spatial point of view. Two business types are selected, i. e. retail trade-dry goods, apparel and accessories (abbreviated to retailing-apparel) as relatively high-order goods, and retail trade-food and beverages (retailing food) as low-order goods. The average rent is defined as excess profit calculated by deducting buying cost and wages for employees from annual sale per floor area as shown in Table 1.
In the central district intensive land use results in higher rent than other areas, and retailing-apparel exceeds retailing-food in terms of rent. In the suburban area the rent level of retailing-food is often higher than that of apparel. The difference of rent level of retailing-apparel between those cities tends to grow large, while that of retailing-food becomes smaller as a whole (Fig. 4). The higher rent the business earns, the more its floor area increases geometrically. To a certain degree this reflects the mutual determinative relation between rent and location which forms the main thesis in location theory.
Commercial rent is likely to depend not upon the distance to CBD as the so-called rent gradient supposes, but upon the size and nature of the market area in which a firm is located. Central place theory illustrates that its size is represented by a circle with a radius of range of goods. Assuming the size is constant, total demand within the market area is given by the product of demand per capita and consumer density. The range, however, varies by kind of goods, thus hierarchical central place systems are built up. With this theory in mind, three indices were chosen as the appropriate factors expected to influence commercial rent, i. e. population density, income level and centrality. Their spatial distributions present a concentric pattern (Figure 5), a sector pattern (Figure 6), and an hieralchical order pattern (Figure 6) respectively.
The results of correlation analysis are shown in Table 2. Centrality has a significant positive coefficient for the rent of retailing-apparel, and income level for that of retailing-food, because customers usually purchase food at the nearest center, while in the case of apparel whose range is much longer they prefer centers in higher order. The indicator of population density has only limited significance for each rent against expectation. This is probably due to the fact that location changes of the retail activities and movements of population synchronize toward an equilibrium. Therefore it is possible to understand that the spatial organization of determinants of commercial rent in the metropolitan area is a compound of the three patterns (Table 3).
According to the hypothesis of competitive bidding, the higher one of the rent by retailing-apparel and -food was chosen. And it was capitalized by the general long-term rate of government loans, using a formula of market fundamentals.

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Most modern nation states have been formed through their central governments' delimitation of national boundaries in frontier areas, which were often inhabited by ethnic minority groups. To relax possible ethnic tensions, the central governments have presented ethnic policies. Because the minority policy in a nation is one of the most important factors affecting the process of national integration, it is crucial to explore the development of the policy in detail.
The ethnic minority people in China account for only 6.7% of the country's whole population However, since the area of their resident districts accounts for more than fifty percent of the nation, and are located at strategically important points, national integration of ethnic minorities has been an essential problem for the Chinese government. Whereas it is said that the government accomplished political equality, it admits the existence of ‘inequality as a matter of fact’: inter-ethnic differentials in both economic and cultural terms. To ameliorate this problem, the government has attempted to implement policies of economic development and ethnic education in the minority districts. To date, their specific circumstances have been rather unclear, however. In particular, with regard to Yunnan Province, Japanese scholars, including geographers, have thus far paid attention to cultural aspects almost exclusively. The purpose of this paper, keeping Yunnan's historical and geographical factors in mind, is to elucidate the development of ethnic minority policy by the Chinese goverment in the province.
In the second section, the current situation of the minority ethnic groups is discussed briefly. The twenty-four groups with more than ten million people account for 31.7% of the province's whole population, and these compose eight autonomous prefectures and twenty-nine autonomous counties. Furthermore, the twenty-four groups can be divided into sub-groups. These imply the variety and complexty of the province's ethnic composition. Generally, the percentage of minority population is higher in the frontier districts than in the central districts of Yunnan, and particular minorities tend to concentrate partly according to altitude.
The third section is devoted to an explanation of ethnic policy during the period between 1949 and 1958, when an essential aim of the Chinese government's policy was to integrate minority groups into the new system of the communist nation. Even at the time immediately after the foundation of the nation, the central Yunnan districts were under long-standing control of the Han Chinese in terms of socio-economic activities, suggesting a relatively easy integration of them by the Chinese Communist Party. However, the influence of the party in the frontier districts was negligible, because the districts formed a buffer zone, where the powers of Britain, France, the Kuomintang Government and native nationalist headmen were complicated. The Yunnan government sent there a minority maneuvering party in order to establish a better relationship with the minorities, support their lives and investigate their circumstances. In particular, integration policy in terms of economy and distribution was taken seriously at the beginning of this period. With regard to political matters, autonomous districts were established through the assumption of minority leaders to important posts in the Chinese Communist Party, and, as a result, a great part of the frontier districts came under the rule of the party. Minority groups were divided into four different types from the historical stage standpoint of social development. The Yunnan Government presented four land reform methods, correspondent to this minority grouping. Although the land reform based on this method and establishment of collective farms began in 1955, they have made less progress in the frontier districts than in the central parts of the province.

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Geography of religion aims to clarify the relationships between the environment and religious phenomena. In Japan, this discipline has four major fields of research
The first field is that of the relationships between the natural environment and religion. The emphasis in this field, however, is on the influence of the environment upon religion. Whereas many scholars study how climate and topography change the formation of religious beliefs, there is almost no study of the influence of religion upon the natural environment. In order to fill this lack, it is necessary, for instance, to clarify the role of religion in environmental protection.
Secondly, geographers of religion study how religion influences social structures, organizations, and landscapes in local areas. They mainly examine the urban structure and its transformation within religious cities with regard to the dominant religion. There are also some studies about the significance of religion for the formation of new cities. The relationships of the religious orientation to the local structure of cities and villages, however, has not been thoroughly clarified yet.
Thirdly, pilgrimage forms another major field of research in the geography of religion. Most studies so far, however, remain preliminary, showing the routes of pilgrimage without reconstructing networks among sacred places and their surroundings. Moreover, the contemporary meaning of pilgrimage is not studied enough, though people today still carry out pilgrimages fervently.
Lastly, geographers of religion try to clarify the structure of space which is created by the sacred, through examining the distribution and propagation of religion. One of the major studies in this field is that of sphere of religion.
This geography of religion as the study of relationships between the environment and religion has two indispensable approaches, for the space created through these relationships has two aspects; empirical and symbolic. On the one hand, religion has power to organize local communities and this power generates the structure of space which is grasped empirically. On the other hand, religion supports human existence through offering a cosmology. This cosmology appears in the structure of space symbolically. Geography of religion should understand the religious structure of space throughly by adopting both positivistic and symbolic approaches.

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