In the studies on ethnic immigrant groups in urban areas, the patterns of ethnic residential segregation have been central to geographical concerns, and many other important aspects such as the dynamic formation processes of ethnic territories and their changing structures relating to development of ethnic businesses and social organizations have tended to be overlooked by geographers. This paper is an attempt to understand the settlement processes of an ethnic group and the changing structure of its ethnic territory in an urban area, taking the example of Japanese immigrants and their descendants in Seattle, a city on the West Coast of the United States.
In this paper, three aspects of the spatial processes of the ethnic group are considered: 1) population distribution, 2) spatial development of ethnic businesses, and 3) ethnic organizations and their facilities. To describe these changing aspects, the development history of the Seattle Japanese can be divided into five major stages; I (-1907), II (1907-1930), III (1930-1942), IV (1945-1955), and V (1955-).
The main information for this study is based on the documents which the author collected during his research visits to Seattle from 1989 to 1993. From among many items, the Japanese-American directories of the years of 1916, 1928, 1936, 1949, 1967, 1973, 1983, and 1991 were examined to analyze the changing composition and distributional patterns of Japanese-owned or -managed businesses as well as their ethnic organizations and institutions. As for the changing population distribution of the Japanese, several existing studies by Miyamoto, Schmid et al., Leonetti, and Abe were helpful.
In the first stage (-1907), the Japanese in Seattle, most of whom were young or middle aged single male labor migrants, lived mainly in the so-called‘skid road’area, the south fringe of downtown. A small number of pioneering business people ran restaurants, grocery stores, or hotels, mainly for local white laborers in the same area. However, few community facilities had been established by the end of this period and Japanese society had remained as a labor migrant society rather than changing to an ethnic community.
In the second stage (1907-1930), the Japanese community in Seattle changed its character gradually over time with marriage and the coming of children as well as the establishment of social leadership and organizations, and became a true local ethnic community. Most of the Japanese in this period lived in a limited area on the south-west slope of the First Hill, and their community facilities such as churches, schools, and headquarters of various political, social, or economic organizations were located within this area. By the relatively early years of this stage, the Japanese began to run various kinds of businesses such as hotels, restaurants, groceries, barbershops, bathhouses, etc., and these commercial and business facilities were mainly concentrated in a small area of the western part of their residential core area. In this stage, a typical ethnic town of Japanese, the so-called Nihonjin-machi, or Japantown, appeared through the concentrations of their residences, business facilities, and social facilities into a small limited area in the urban region.
In the third stage (1930-1942), new arrivals of Japanese immigrants ceased practically under the so-called Anti-Japanese Immigration Act which was passed in 1924, and the Japanese community suffered from the hostile atmosphere against Japanese of the host society. However, the proportion of the second-generation Japanese who were born in the United States was increasing rapidly and Japanese society reached a new mature stage owing to that generation growing up. The residential distribution of Japanese had generally retained the cluster pattern which was formed in the former stage, but some changes took place

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This paper investigates the impact of liberalization of the orange trade on Japanese mandarin-producing which is one of the major sectors of Japanese agriculture.
The problem about liberalization of the orange trade, which was a long-pending problem between Japan and the U.S., came to a conclusion in 1988. This conclusion gave rise to two big changes in mandarin agriculture in Japan.
First was the conversion of agricultural policy after 1988. The main purpose of previous policy was promoting mandarin-areas. But after 1988, its purpose changed to promote strong agricultural management which could overcome international competition with foreign oranges in the Japanese market. Concretely, for fresh oranges, the Japanese government distributed subsidies for famers who discontinued their own mandarin orchards in bad location. As a result, mandarin growing decreased greatly and the quality of mandarins was improved. Therefore, though the liberalization of the orange trade was enforced in 1991, the quantity of imports didn't increase greatly and the Japanese mandarin market wasn't taken away by foreign oranges. For orange juice, government decreased the conpensation money for industrial mandarins. This measure discouraged farmers from producing primarily industrial mandarins.
Second were the financial difficulties of juice factories established by agricultural cooperrative associations, after 1991. This was a result of the quantity of import orange juice increased rapidly and took away mandarin juice to market in Japan. Therefore, juice factories reduced the purchase quantity of industrial mandarins from farmers and caused the price of industrial mandarins to fall year after year, because the stocks of mandarin juice increased at the factory. Consequently, the liberalization of the orange juice trade exerted more impacts on Japanese mandarin-producing areas than the fresh orange trade.
These problems clearly appeared in Tanbara Town, in Ehime Prefecture, which is the example district in this paper. In Tanbara Town, the production of industrial mandarins account for more than 50per cent of all mandarins. Tanbara Town has one of the highest rates in Japan. The industrial mandarins were roughly grown by farmers who have other jobs or only by the aged. In these conditions, the liberalization of the orange juice trade was enforced. The price of industrial mandarins fell and the purchase quantity of industrial mandarins decreased at the factory more than previously. So the farmers' profits decreased more and more, and they gave up harvesting mandarins. Therefore, many abandoned orchards have appeared one after another in recent years. The growth of abandoned orchards made the growing environment worse and full-time farmers lost their will to produce mandarins. This is the most important problem in Tanbara Town.

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In the history of mountain villages of Japan, it was during the medieval period when mountain villages advanced the frontiers of land use and started actively territorializing mountain space. But the status of medieval mountain studies is restricted for lack of data over various regions. Thus we have to find a new way of reading materials. My purpose is to illuminate physical features in the context of medieval development of mountain villages.
What implications did mountain landforms have for medieval utilization or territori-alization? We have tended to think of ridges and valleys as major bases of space recognition, land use, and demarcation in mountainous areas. But Chiba (1986) suspects that mountainous topography was hardly the basis of village boundaries in the Edo period (18th century) for mountain villages based on a subsistence economy of shifting cultivation. Were not medieval mountaineers very conscious of mountain texture? Did the spatial unit of catchment area have little significance for land use?
I investigate the medieval documents associated with the demarcation between myos (lower units of a manor, which were originally used to collect taxes) in Makinoyama situated in the eastern Shikoku mountainous region (see Figure 1). This is also the field for Chiba's research mentioned above. Every myo in Makinoyama had a territory which contained mountainous space. The documents range from the 13th century through the 15th century, and myo boundaries were indicated in some of them.
Some of the medieval myo's territories were inherited until the Edo period, when both accords and discords between the water system and political borders, as well as the territory enclave, were observed (Figure 2). However, most boundaries was corresponded to ridge or river in each place, and territory consisted of several small drainage units. It is presumed that most of the enclaves were formed through division and transfer of several myo territories in the 15th and 16th centuries (compare Figure 4 with Figure 3).
In the examination of the documents, special attention is devoted to following points of view associated with land recognition and land use. First point concerns demacators' understanding of physical and social dividing lines. How did readers of the documents reconstitute such boundaries in their own spatial recognition? What understanding of mountain space could the demarcators utilize in the process of demarcating? Second, were ridges and valleys obstacles to land use for medieval mountaineers? How are possible answers to this question related to demarcation of myo territory?
The finding obtained are summarized as follows: First, readers of the demarcation documents have to reconstitute boundary line from description of physical borders and a variety of spots or landmarks (such as trees, crags, falls, river canyons, ponds, damp ground, hills and buildings). Medieval mountain people became aware of space and boundary based on the physical boundaries and the points within the mountain area in question.
Second, in the 13th and 14th centuries, several myos contended over boundaries repeatedly. The disputes occurred due to expanding land use of shifting cultivation/slope agriculture and gathering. A detailed inspection of their locations indicates that all the disputes happened at lower elevation (less than 800m), which were located at a similar elevation to the settlements concerned and were accessible from them. This suggests that, with regard to such lower places, ridges and valleys did not disturb land use development, and some valleys were a units of land use and dispute. It is surmised that the boundaries were fixed through repeated disputes at various places.

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The purpose of this paper is to define current trends and issues in studies of regional transportation systems in modern Japan. The author advocates the possibility of the study of modern transportation from a viewpoint of historical geography.
First, a review of the historical studies of modern transportation reveals that most of them were about railways. Therefore, this paper places great importance on railways.
The beginning of historical study of modern transportation in Japan was a compilation of the history of companies in the Meiji Era [1868-1912]. Many important studies have been done by such compilations since then. However, they were omitted in this paper for want of space, and the subject was limited to academic studies.
The historical study of modern transportation developed dramatically during the last twenty years. It was generally concerned with the following three important points:
1. Because historical studies are concerned with different transport facilities, there is no relationship between them.
2. Because most studies are concerned with the history of the circulation of commodities, other issues are not considered.
3. Studies from a broad point of view are insufficiently related to those with a narrow viewpoint.
The construction of this paper is as follows on the basis of above-mentioned issues: Issues in the historical studies of modern transportation are discussed in Chapter II. ‘The study of the regional transportation systems’on the basis of historical geography which the author proposes is introduced in Chapter III. Some important subjects in the study are pointed out in Chapter IV. The contents of this paper are summarized as follows:
First, the author gives attention to the major transport facilities of the transportation network in a region. He calls the major transportation network of marine and road transportation a ‘Marine etc type of regional transportation system’, and the network of railway transportation a ‘railway type of regional transportation system’. He considers that the changes from ‘marine etc’ to ‘railway’ appeared at the turning points between trunk transportation routes and local railways.
Second, he considers the landmark of change from ‘marine etc’ to ‘railway’ to be transport co-ordination as well as the nationalization of the railways from 1906 to 1907.
Third, he considers the regional transportation system on the basis of regional community. Attention is given to the preparation of social overhead capital and the management of transport industry in the formation of regional transportation systems.
Modern transportation is a bridge between contemporary and feudal transportation. Upon reconsidering the study of transportation in geography, attention is given to its function by the analysis of contemporary transportation. Attention is also paid to its form before the feudal age. Therefore, the author considers that the study of modern transportation in relationship to contemporary transportation using the historical geography method is important in order to maintain a balance between functional studies and formal ones.

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