In this paper, the author argues that gambling businesses managed by public authorities face issues regarding monopolization, regulation of space and socio-spatial exclusion. Since the end of the 19th century, informal private gambling has been strictly outlawed in Japan, while both the national and local governments have resorted to investing in the gambling business to secure revenue. At present, with the exception of lotteries, 120 gambling facilities such as keiba (horse race), keirin (bicycle race on a short track), autorace (motorcycle race on a short track), and kyotei (motorboat race on a square pond) are offered by 21 prefectures and 443 municipalities. These are called "public gambling". In his book The Production of Space, Henri Lefevre notes that non-productive expenses are made according to the neocapitalist's interest. Therefore, the author refers to the three elements that constitute space according to Lefevre: spatial practices, representations of space and space of representations. The author conducted field work in and around the motorboat gambling facility operated in Tokoname City, Aichi Prefecture, and the highlighted the "gambling space" using Lefevre's scheme mentioned above. From 1997-2000, the author interviewed: Tokoname motorboat officers, residents from the areas (sinkai-cho) around the motorboat facility, police officers, members of the "koie-sinkai crime prevention association", a security guard and ticket sales women employed at the motorboat office, shop managers in and around the motorboat facility, and the motorboat gambling fans. The author also conducted participant observation studies of more than 400 motorboat gambling fans. The author's findings are as follows: Firstly, while the public authority, the Tokoname motorboat office, adopts several measures to draw visitors to the motorboat facility and thus ensure income, this practice includes spatial separation, i.e., separating the Tokoname motorboat gambling fans from the public. This is partly because the nature of gambling itself threatens social order, therefore, the public authorities control and enclose gambling fans. These practices of exclusion are observed in their spatial practices. Secondly, shops and restaurants are located on the route taken by visitors from the Tokoname railway station to the motorboat facility. These shops and restaurants sell alcohol, low-priced light meals and magazines or newspapers regarding gambling. Fans regularly take the route from the Tokoname railway station to the motorboat facility and purchase these goods from these shops. Loitering fans and torn blank tickets visibly distinguish the "gambling space" from the rest of the city. Japanese public gambling fans are largely men over 60 years of age. However, in Tokoname motorboat facility, 60-70% of motorboat gambling fans are men, who are 60 years and over. Therefore, the "gambling space" is occupied by middle and old-aged men is littered with blank tickets. Thirdly, measures adopted by the local community, the "koie-sinkai crime prevention association", neighborhood residents and the police to regulate the behavior of visitors' create negative representations of Tokoname motorboat gambling facility and its fans. In 1970, as the number of visitors increased, a few residents living around the motorboat facility founded a crime prevention association in order to put a burglar alarm to their house. At this time, the Tokoname motorboat office began sending presents, such as handkerchiefs, rice, pans and soaps as compensation to residents. The activities of "koie-sinkai crime prevention association" provided subsidies by Tokoname City, although they are not strictly monitored. They unfairly claimed and represented the undesirable behavior of visitors in order to protect their interests.
Lately, Japan has witnessed a growing social concern regarding the conservation of the Satoyama forest. People are now focusing on the various means to support volunteer activities for the conservation of forests. The current volunteer activities in Satoyama forest are restricted by two major problems: shortage of human resources for volunteer work and poor financial support. For solving these problems, we need to support the activities of the voluntary organizations to enable them to hire trained forest officials, recruit volunteers who can continually participate in the conservation activities, and secure stable independent revenue sources needed for sustainable organizational operation. In this article, we, therefore, clarify the perceptions and values of the Satoyama forest as evaluated by the citizens who reside in the vicinity of this forest by the contingent valuation method (CVM). We also explore the possibilities to solve the above two problems. In this study, we planned to investigate the residents' willingness to pay (WTP) and willingness to work (WTW) for conserving the Satoyama forest through a questionnaire survey. A subject of evaluation in this study is the "Kannon Forest" (about 20ha) located in hamlet of Okunaka, Naka town, Hyogo prefecture, Japan. The perceptions and values of the Satoyama forest for the residents living around the Kannon forest were determined by the following three steps. First, we examined the residents' evaluation of the values of the Kannon forest. Second, we assessed the respondents' WTW and the factors involved in it, which were relative to the Kannon forest. Finally, on the basis of the sample data, we estimated the WTP and WTW of the population with regard to the Kannon forest. Moreover, we compared the estimated values of the WTP and the WTW with the past records of annual accounts of the voluntary organization and a volunteer labor quantity. The results are summarized as follows: (1) The grouped regression model of WTP shows that the WTP for Satoyama conservation is defined by the following three determinants: (a) the household capacity to pay, (b) the recreational value of the Satoyama forest, and (c) the individual's sense of belonging to the town of Naka. On the other hand, the negative binomial regression model of WTW shows that the WTW for Satoyama conservation is regulated by the following four determinants: (d) the willingness to participate in a community activity, (e) the domestic financial capability and time to engage in voluntary work, (f) knowledge level of the Kannon forest, and (g) experience in visiting the Kannon forest. In terms of geographical perspectives, it must be noted that the values assigned to the conservation of the Kannon forest by an individual is especially influenced by the individual's sense of belonging to a society and his or her previous experience in visiting the forest, which does not merely involve covering the distance between the house and the forest. (2) The WTP clearly indicates that all the residents around the Kannon forest are willing to pay a sum that totals to approximately 79 million yen over a decade for the maintenance of the forest. At the same time, WTW reveals that all the residents around the Kannon forest are also willing to work for a total of 25 thousand working days a year for its maintenance. (3) When we consider the appeal for forest funds and recruit volunteers for the maintenance of the Satoyama forest, we recognized that the residents' responses (WTP or WTW) are defined by their perception of the functions of the Kannon forest; they are not affected by their residential and socioeconomic conditions.
After the deregulation of air transport in United States and liberalization in Europe, papers on this theme have been accumulated in the field of transport geography which uses quantitative methods in United States and Europe while there are few socio-economic studies from that viewpoint. Socio-economic transport geography tends to have an interest in historical processes of transport development and little in the current transport problems especially in Japan. Socio-economic studies, however, examine the system of transport facilities comprehensively, which will contribute to practical analysis and criticism of current transport problems. The purpose of this paper is to examine the case of the rapid expansion of the direct bus network connecting Haneda Airport with its hinterland since the latter half of the 1990s. This paper also examines the other social background of this phenomenon, considering the role of bus company in making the bus routes between Haneda Airport and its hinterland, impact of the deregulation of air and bus transport, changing use of aircraft, and the bus share in airport-access market. The data were mainly collected through interviews with the personnel of bus companies in charge of planning bus route to Haneda Airport. The main findings of this paper are summarized as follows: 1. Almost all the bus routes between Haneda Airport and its hinterland are managed by two airport bus companies (Keihin Electric Express Railway Co., Ltd., and Airport Transport Service Co., Ltd.), and 25 local bus companies, each of which has its own service area. Therefore the airport bus companies are concerned with all bus routes and have a lot of information on them. When the local bus companies plan to extend their bus routes into Haneda Airport, the airport side supplies accumulated know-how to run an airport-access bus with the local bus side. This cooperated-route-management-system enables a sudden increase in bus route. 2. Until the first half of the 1990s, bus stops were arranged only in the Tokyo Bay area and Central Tokyo, which is near Haneda Airport. But the hinterland greatly expanded in 1998, reaching 100km away from Haneda Airport. Since these routes were profitable, the airport bus companies began to develop the bus route to Haneda Airport positively. Therefore the local bus companies have become so easy to participate in the airport-access bus that 13 routes were formed in 2000. After 2001, new routes have extended into areas where market size is smaller or road accessibility is worse, and 49 bus routes to Haneda Airport have been formed before December, 2002. 3. The number of air passengers using Haneda Airport has increased from 31 million persons in 1988 to 54.8 million in 2000 and is estimated to be increasing in the future. This trend has brought an increase in airport-access bus passengers, too, and is one of the factors causing the expansion of the direct bus network connecting Haneda Airport with its hinterland. 4. Haneda Airport Offshore Expansion Project has influences on the increase of passengers using Haneda Airport indirectly and on airport-access bus at three viewpoints. The number of bus stops has increased 5 to 15; many buses can be operated. Since highway system is improved, buses can arrive at Haneda Airport on time, which makes air passengers take a bus confidently. The pollution issues such as the noise and vibration are refined; aircraft can take off and land on Haneda Airport all day long. In the early morning, however, airport-access trains are not available in many areas in Haneda Airport hinterland while buses are available even in the areas more 100km away from Haneda Airport. This fact suggests that the bus companies could make buses bound for Haneda Airport run selectively in the early morning for their profit; on the other hand, this promotes the public benefit because the completion of airport-access is demanded now.