Japanese Journal of Human Geography
Online ISSN : 1883-4086
Print ISSN : 0018-7216
ISSN-L : 0018-7216
Volume 57, Issue 5
Displaying 1-7 of 7 articles from this issue
  • Hiroyuki KONDO
    2005 Volume 57 Issue 5 Pages 459-478
    Published: October 28, 2005
    Released on J-STAGE: April 28, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The purpose of this study is to define the position of Ishibashi Goro (1876-1946) in Geography Education of Japan.
    Geography Textbooks of junior high school under the old system of education (hereinafter, junior high school) in 1910-1920 period almost showed that geographic knowledge was stood in a line. After that, in 1930s period, geography textbooks were published and this implied a new method of associating human with physical phenomenon. That new method was originally the way of geography.
    This shows us to the new idea, which students should not learn by heart the geographic knowledge through textbooks but study "the geography as education."
    The idea was unfolded in objective of geography education, which implied the role of geography education in educational curriculum. In this aspect of geography education in Japan, Ishibashi showed the new ideas.
    Ishibashi was actually a professor of Kyoto Imperial University noted as one of geography specialists and he wrote a lot of geography textbooks for junior high school above all the book entitled "The Theory of Geography Education, " in spite almost geographer did not write educational thesis.
    As a matter of fact, much attention has not been given to Ishibashi's educational philosophy, the analysis of these texts would show us what he defined as the philosophy of geography education. Therefore, we would know that he had been a major figure in the history of geography education of Japan.
    This paper is consisting of six chapters. Following Chapter 1 for introduction, second, the biography outline of Ishibashi would be mentioned. Third, "relationships between geography method and geography textbooks" is mentioned, which would make sense that the method of study in geography he majored in. It would become clear that his method of study was associated with "giving greater importance to the theory of man-land relationship" and "looking to nomothetic geography." Forth, "The Role of Geography Education in Educational Curriculum, " which would make sure what he considered as geography education through his book of "The Theory of Geography Education." Fifth, it would be apparent the historical background in building up his Philosophy of Geography Education. The sixth would followed by the conclusion.
    As a result, two points made Ishibashi important person in geography education of Japan. First, he incorporated the method of geography into geography education, but he did not use mixed up. Second, he took greater notice of geography education in educational curriculum, and treated over the objective of geography education. Consequently, he distinguished between geography education and geography, and defined the objective of geography education in educational curriculum. That is, Ishibashi was a person with the point of geography and one of education combined in himself. And he put together the two sides, and defined the role of geography education.
    It is believed that we should provide further insights into him.
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  • Tomoya HANIBUCHI
    2005 Volume 57 Issue 5 Pages 479-498
    Published: October 28, 2005
    Released on J-STAGE: April 28, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Research of NGOs generally concentrates on such practical aspects as development cooperation and advocacy work and has mainly been geographically focused on overseas fields. However, the necessity of paying attention to domestic activity and organizational management of NGOs can be pointed out so far as one unnoticed aspect. Especially in Japan, organizations striving for a network between NGOs (network NGOs) are noteworthy. This paper clarifies the formation of inter-NGO networks: how they function and assert their influence, and their meaning and role in the geographical context of Japanese politics and economics. The data used were obtained from directories, various reports on NGOs, and interviews with nine network NGOs. The findings can be summarized as follows.
    The number of NGOs in Japan has consistently been increasing, and geographical distribution shows monopolar concentration in Tokyo. Large-scale and specialized NGOs are remarkably unevenly distributed because of the concentration of politics and economics in Tokyo and the vertical and hierarchical Japanese urban system.
    Network NGOs, established since the mid-1980s, have played an important role in the promotion of networks between NGOs, including the following types: issue, field, object country/region based on speciality, and national and local that engage in comprehensive activities. The "national type" covers the entire country, and the "local type" is confined to a specific geographical scope. Investigation revealed that local and national type network NGOs have been established in the entire country from Hokkaido to Okinawa. Many local type network NGOs have been established in rural areas, despite the monopolar concentration situation in Tokyo. In terms of the location of member NGOs, the geographical scope of the local and national type networks stretch away from various scales from city to national levels without exclusive territories.
    Depending on objectives, the activities of local and national type network NGOs can roughly be classified into three types. The first is the capacity building of NGOs in such areas as information and experience exchanges, job training, and study meetings. The second is such activities for the citizenry as development education and enlightenment programs. The third is discussion and advocacy work with the national and local governments. Local and national type network NGOs play a local role by managing the local needs of NGOs, utilizing local resources, and strengthening the influence on the area's citizens and government. Moreover, they also strengthen local legitimacy by functioning as a window for citizens and government and developing trust between NGOs based on face-to-face contact. Such a local role is one of the main factors of network NGOs established not only in Tokyo but all over the country.
    Analysis of the construction process of the nationwide network called the "national platform" shows that local and national network NGOs recognize their national role and function by relativizing themselves in relation with the organizations of other regions within Japan. In national platform debates, the organizational form of hierarchies/networks and the spatial structure of centralization/decentralization are discussed, and pros and cons are also described with the above. The positions of network NGOs based on location (Tokyo/non-Tokyo) are reflected there. From here, it is pointed out that spatial formation plays a crucial role in the organizational formation of networks. By functioning within the existing spatial structure of the monopolar concentration in Tokyo, the national role of network NGOs differs, and they are sometimes opposed to each other. Especially, local network NGOs are concerned that the centralization of the organizational process and form will undermine the autonomy not only of each organization but also of each region.
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  • A Review
    Todd Stradford
    2005 Volume 57 Issue 5 Pages 499-502
    Published: October 28, 2005
    Released on J-STAGE: April 28, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Akitoshi HIRAOKA
    2005 Volume 57 Issue 5 Pages 503-518
    Published: October 28, 2005
    Released on J-STAGE: April 28, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The Senkaku Islands are made up of five uninhabited islands scattered about 170km north of the Yaeyama Islands of Okinawa Prefecture. In recent years the territorial claims on these islands made by China and Taiwan have increased since it was found that under that area there is a lot of petroleum and natural gas. No one has ever sufficiently examined why Japanese people in the Meiji Era started going to these islands made only of rocks. This study discusses the Japanese advance into and the development of the Senkaku Islands. The following is its summary;
    The territorial possession of the uninhabited Senkaku Islands started with the exploration by the Okinawa Prefectural Government in 1885, and the exploration report says that a large flock of albatross was found there. In the 1890's, the Japanese advance into the Senkaku Islands was accelerated in order to get the albatross plumage and the great green turban. In those days the Okinawa Prefectural Government had to plead with the Meiji Central Government again and again to put national landmarks on the islands because it was not clear whether the islands were actually Japanese or Chinese territory. Finally in 1894, the Meiji Government permitted to put the national landmarks. In 1895 the Senkaku Islands were placed under the jurisdiction of Okinawa Prefecture. In the same year, Tatsushiro Koga, who was a powerful and wealthy shellfish merchant, asked the Meiji Government to lease Kuba Island for the purpose of catching albatross because of the rapid decrease of the great green turban. His business changed from shellfish to albatross. In 1896, the Government not only leased Kuba Island to him but also granted him the lease of another four Senkaku Islands for 30 years.
    In 1897 Koga started his business in the Senkaku Islands, but albatross, his main resource of business, decreased devastatingly in only three years. Therefore, he diversified his business into stuffed birds, bonito fishing, guano, and phosphate rocks and managed to make an immense profit. But his business didn't last long because he mismanaged the natural resources on the islands. Koga Village, founded in Uotsuri Island with a huge investment of money, disappeared in about 30 years and around 1937 the Senkaku Islands again became uninhabited with no change since then.
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  • Tourist Place-making in Kurokawa Onsen
    Chris McMorran
    2005 Volume 57 Issue 5 Pages 519-531
    Published: October 28, 2005
    Released on J-STAGE: April 28, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This paper examines the recent dramatic increase in tourists visiting Japan's countryside, specifically onsen (hot spring resorts). Citing government efforts to improve access to remote regions, the increase in passenger cars, and an underlying desire to escape the city, this paper describes Japan's new independent tourist and the recent popularity of small-scale onsen. In stark contrast to huge onsen resorts that were popular 20 years ago, these smaller onsen have become popular through tourist place-making, in which idealized rural villages are recreated for commercial purposes. Through the example of Kumamoto Prefecture's Kurokawa Onsen, this paper shows recent trends in Japanese tourism and highlights the problematic nature of tourist place-making in Japan's countryside.
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  • Yohei MURATA
    2005 Volume 57 Issue 5 Pages 532-548
    Published: October 28, 2005
    Released on J-STAGE: April 28, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The consideration of male bodies is a significant issue for gender studies in geography since they are an influential factor in constructing gendered spaces. Few studies, however, have paid attention to male bodies, a fact that contrasts starkly with the amount of attention directed toward female bodies. Thus, the objective of this study is to clarify how male bodies contribute to the construction of gender-differentiated spaces by investigating the representation of tobacco advertisements in Japan.
    In Japan, smoking is primarily a male behavior; the smoking rate for men is about 47%, whereas that for women is about 12%. This is because Japanese tobacco advertisements tend to represent male bodies and their spaces around them.
    This study uses Japanese tobacco advertisements in Japanese magazines during 1987-2000. Surveying these advertisements, the following five characteristics were more significantly associated with represented male bodies than with female bodies.
    First, male bodies are represented with natural scenery whereas female bodies are represented in artificial environments. This implies that male bodies are intended to challenge nature. The images also emphasize the vastness of their space.
    Second, male bodies are represented with few words, while female bodies are accompanied by many words. This means that male space is emphasized by quiet, dignified male bodies through the elimination of words.
    Third, male bodies are accompanied by women's eyes. This representation of women gazing deeply at smoking men leads to the acknowledgement of male smoking space. This also means that male space is supported by female bodies.
    Fourth, male bodies are represented with the gesture of exhaling smoke, whereas such representation of female bodies is controlled. This difference indicates that only males are allowed to control their space by breathing out smoke.
    Fifth, male bodies are represented with distance between each other, contrary to women's bodies. Male relationships are defined only by their work, women, and smoking in order to bridge the distance.
    In conclusion, Japanese tobacco advertisements represent male bodies and contribute to the construction of male space as well as suggesting how men's personal space is associated with the wide open spaces. On the other hand, this finding also means the advertisements are prejudiced and biased toward men and the spaces they occupy. Therefore, it follows that we need to elucidate the meanings of "ordinary" male bodies in daily spaces.
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  • 2005 Volume 57 Issue 5 Pages 549-564
    Published: October 28, 2005
    Released on J-STAGE: April 28, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (1988K)
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