Generally speaking, fishermen use the sea vertically and jointly. Of course along the shore we find the sea monopolised by one village for gathering seaweeds, etc., but off-shore the sea is usually opened to every fisherman. Nevertheless, on the narrow sea, for instance, on the Inland Sea, the sea area is divided into several sections, and each of them is opened only to one fishingvillage. Especially in feudal age, fishing villagers under the direct control of the Sho-gun, or under the control of Daimyo who is related to the Shogun family had the privilege to use relatively wide sea area in comparison with the villagers under other Daimyos. In both cases fishing villages which had the duty for sailing service to the Daimyo had a preference to use relatively wider area. In contrast, the villages without any privilege for fishery (many of them were those that newly started fishery with agriculture, or those that were settled by sea-nomads) were that only permitted the fishing of limitted ways in narrow sea area. After the Meiji Restoration these feudal privileges were disclaimed, but the government tried to maintain the order in the fishing grounds on the basis of old customs. In spite of this, the fishermen in some regions succeeded to organize a new way of joint use of the sea. Thus we find the fallowing four types of joint use of the fishing grounds in the Inland Sea during 1890's, when a modern Fishing Law was about to be proclaimed.
1. The type that feudal customs were as yet maintained, and relatively wide sea area including off-shore was monopolised by a small numbdr of privileged fishing villages.
2. The type that the privileged village had supreme rights, but non-privileged villages could also utilize the same sea area.
3. The type that several fishing villages could use the same sea equally.
4. The type that many villages were using the broad sea equally and extensively.

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It has universally been accepted as if it were a general rule that in the Yayoi age which corresponds to the semi-bronze age on the Japanese Archipelago, hewing adapting both agriculture and metal culture, they founded the settlements on arable lowland for paddy field.
Of those settlements which were set up on heights more than 200m. both above sea-level and in relative altitude, only a limitted number of them are known, and the couses have not yet been fully brought into light.
The writer, therefore, after closely examining every fundamental matter to be met with at the entrance of the foregoing problem, has carried out the research into the specific feature of establishing regional and the cultural point of view, and has obtained the following results:
1. The settlement on lowland is a conspicuous feature throughout the entire age of Yayoi, however, it has been revealed that about the later stage of the former period, especially toward the end of the middle period such heights as mountain-tops, redges, or basin edges, 20m. to 400m. in relative altitude, were chosen to be settled upon, and this fact shows eight periodic transitions of altitudinal settlement. They may be subdivided from the cultural viewpoint to be generalized as follows:
The First Period; the later stage of the former half-the middle stage
The Second Period; the later stage of the middle period-the early stage of the latter period
The Third Period: the early stage of the later period-the early stage of the “Haji” period
A new settlement on a height, it is found, was set up every stage the culture took up different aspect throughout these three periods.
2. And such a phenomenon of periodic transition of altitudinal settlement, being different in distribution in accordance with the culturally subdivided period, may be classified into four types of region as follows;
1) Lowland distribution type: the middle part of Kyushu Island and northward through the Japan Sea coast, the Pacific coast of Japan Proper and Shikoku Island, extending in the north to the southern boundary of Tohoku District excepting Kanto District, and from the basins of Kyoto, Nara, Ueno, and Omi in Kinki District and northward to the basins among mountains in Chubu District excluding one or two basins.
2) Type of settlement distribution largely on lowland and in some period on height: the middle part of Seto-naikai (Seto Inland Sea), its eastern coast with its islets, the southern Kyushu and one or two regions in Chubu District.
3) High-level distribution type: the north-eastern coast in the western of Seto-Inland district and about the area along the lower course of the Aizu River.
4) High-land Terras distribution type: the Southern port of Kanto District especially Tokyo-to and diluvial terrases along the coast of Tokyo Bay in Kanagawa Prefecture.
3. The foregoing phenomenal feature in the periodic transition of altitudinal settlement in the Yayoi age and its relationship with the regional difference provide us with three major subjects of the reseach to be traced out.
As to the more detailed description of these matters, however, the writer shall have to leave them untouched here for another occasion in future. But the careful consideration of the cause, which induced such altitudinal settlements, would show us that the motive factor cannot be sought for in the physical environment but in the human cultural scientific field.
If the writer might venture a further remark, it may be said that the ultimate factor seems to be most rightly expected of all the human cultural scientific requirements to be based upon the development of the social organization with the advance of the rice farming culture and the advancement in political system.

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1) 上野の地はやせた第三紀の丘陵地であり,灌漑水も容易にえられないので,古来の日本的耕地としての利用対象にはならず,採草地・薪炭採取地として利用されてきた。
2) 1924年以来,果樹園として開発されたが,その際,公有地であったため小作料ぶ著しく低く,かつ一定していたこと,地元で耕地整理をなして耕地が区画され農道が整備され開墾助成金が開拓者に入ったこと,は開拓者にとって有利であった。
3) 耕地整理の結果,耕地が宅地の周囲に集中している有利性がある。当初土地は自由に獲得できたが自家の資本・労働を考慮にいれて最高でも3町以下になり,かくて1戸当りにすると一般の農家よりやや広い経営規模が成立した。
4) 開発の歴史が新しいので他の土地で果樹の集団的栽培の技術的研究が達成された後に導入されているのは,市場が近くにあることと共にこの地の果樹栽培を容易にした。
5) 各地から集った開拓者ぶ分散して居住しているので旧村落とは異った社会的構成を示し,社会的統一も旧村落に比し弱い。これは共同出荷体制が十分でないことと関連がある。開拓者はいずれも企業者的精神に富み,前職が商人・勤人であった人も多い。また,現在まで農民の移動が旧村落に比し著しく,移動の場合は園と家屋とが一括して売買される。移動の多いのは果樹園面積が少ないなど経営の不安定なものが多い。
6) 農家の大部分は果樹専業で水田は絶無かまたは零細な経営にすぎない。水田を僅かでももつものは隣接部落からの出身者に多い。
7) 果樹は当初は成果の早くあがる種類を多くいれたが,次第により集約的な種類(廿世紀)に移ってきた。果樹専業で水田を欠くから,市況の推移に対する適応は敏感である。経営の小さいものほど集約的な梨の割合が多い。
8) 生産資材は階層間で差はあるが,全体に防除施設はよい。防除施設の向上は大経営の労働生産性を向上させ,特に柿に著しい。
9) 集約的作物のために労働は多量に投入し,小経営でも臨時雇用を必要とするが,1町歩以上になると家族労力以上の雇用をいれる。果樹栽培地が孤立的に存在するため,近傍から労力が得られやすい利点がある。
10) 集約的な梨を中心にやや粗放的な柿を加えた経営がこの地では有利であり,経営規模別では7～9反の大きさが家族経営として最高の反当収益があり,雇用の多い小資本家的経営では1町5反以上から家計収入が急増する。
11) 隣接刺激をうけた近傍の果樹栽培は概して副業的で上野とは経営のタイプを異にする。
12) 上野をとりまく旧来の農村では,安定作物である水稲に現金収入源である養蚕を加えた経営でできた村々であり,今日まで労力上・土地利用上また農民の経済的意識からみて果樹は導入されず,上野部落は果樹栽培における孤立的生産地域を続けてきた。

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