About 1953 and 1954, fifteen co-operative associations of self-operating pelagic skipjack pole and tuna long line were born at the southern parts of Kyushu (Kagoshima-Pref. & Miyazaki-Pref.) which are well-known for the fishery in Japan. The formation of the associations is one of the ways to protect themselves against the structural pressure in the after-war Japanese fishery. And they are under the political protection to promote the deep-sea fishing and joint operation. But there is only six of them existing now. We can say, this is the same tendency about the associations all over Japan (Tab. 1).
This study is intended to classify the factors concerning its success and its failure.
Of the factors for its failure, the first is the change of the policy; it was from the promotion of the deep-sea fishery which began to fail about 1955, to the development and structural improvement of coastal fishing. The second is the keen competition for making tuna long line fishing vessels larger among the monopolic giant capitals of fishery. Another reason is the heavy fall of the price for fish because of the experiments of H-bomb at Bikini.
There are some factors for the failure inside of the associations. (1) the irrational management, (2) the accidents, e.g. the sinking of the fishing boats, etc. (3) the becoming worse of the economic condition of the associations because of the poor catch of the self-operating set-net fishing which was the economic foundation of the association. The fatal factor among them is the dullness of the self-operating deep-sea fishing brought by the irrational management of above mentioned precapitalistic loose one because of the lack of the experience.
All of the five active associations of self-operating deep-sea fishing (Kushikino, Hashima, Bôdomari, Makurazaki-shi, Yamakawa-cho) is located at the areas developed by the fishing of bonito and tuna as their chief industry for a long time. But the failures of the nine associations came from the lack of the experiences for that fishing. They were at villages of coastal fishing like set-nets. Furue Fishing Association is the only exception, which had the change from coastal fishing to tuna fishing. But its boat is small one, only 39t. Its economic condition is worse. Its labor power is not enough. Today it is on the turning point for its existence.

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This article is a consideration of the relationship between the location of factories, and the size of factory sites (expressed in terms of the area of factory site per employee), and density of buildings (where the index of site capacity=amount of built-up area/site area). The article examines the occurrence of this relationship throughout Japan, and in the Chukyo urban Zone (the city of Nagoya and its surrounding towns and villages), and is an attempt to clarify the regional differentiation of land-use in industry.
This type of factory-site-built-up area relationship differs greatly according to the usually-used industrial categories. This is because the layout of each type of factory differs according to the construction of the particular type of factory involved. However, in so far as there are regional differences in the condition of land as a productive element, there must also be regional differences in the degree of land-use. In other words, there is an obvious difference in the size of site-density of buildings measurement between factories situated in large cities, where location conditions are favourable and elasticity of land supply is small, and the factories which are located in the fringe-areas of the country where location conditions are poor and elasticity of land supply is high. It is proposed that a similar difference exists between factories located in the heart of an urban zone and factories located in the outskirts of the zone.
Supposing that, as a relative index of location conditions, we use the extent of factory accumulation, as calculated from the correlation of the number of factories per area of a given region with the value-added production per unit area, then the following areas will emerge as areas exhibiting a high degree of density:
For Japan as a whole: -Tokyo, Kanagawa, Aichi, Osaka, followed by Saitama, Shizuoka, Kyoto, Hyogo, Hiroshima and other administrative areas.
For the Chukyo area: -Higashi ku, Nishi ku, Naka ku, Mizuho ku, Atsuta ku, followed by Kita ku, Nakamura ku, Showa ku and Minami ku (The above ‘ku’ are urban (administrative) districts of the city of Nagoya.), the cities of Ichinomiya, Seto, and Bisai and the towns (‘cho’) of Shinkawa, Asahi and Kisogawa.
Then, if we use statistics taken from the Industrial Site Survey of December 1961 to indicate the density of buildings and the scale of the sites of factories situated in the aforementioned areas, we find that the scale of sites is generally smaller, and the density of buildings is higher than in the case of factories situated in other areas.
From these results, we can say that the degree of factory site-use in areas where location conditions are favourable and the extent of accumulation is high is greater than site-use in areas where location conditions are poor and the extent of accumulation is low.
From this regional differentiation in site-use, two types of mutually intertwined phenomena seem to emerge: -
1) In areas of high accumulation, the following types of factory, which show a strong natural tendency to occupy small sites and densely built-up areas occur most frequently: -Food and provisions, Textiles, Clothing, Furniture, Printing and publishing, Rubber and rubber products, Leather products, Light metal products, Machinery etc., whereas factories where the occupance of large sites with a low degree of building density is a strong characteristic are more common in the following groups: -Timber products, Paper and pulp, Chemicals, Oil and coal products, Ceramics and pottery products, Iron and steel, Non-ferrous metals, etc.
2) Taking industry as a whole, when factories are located in areas with a high degree of industrial concentration, there is a strong tendency for factories within the same industrial category to occupy small scale sites with a high built-up area density.

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In shognate of Japan there existed rural communities in which farmers were connected strongly. It has been generally considered that each community consisted of a nucleated settlement (which is regarded as the dominant settlement type in Japan), and that at the same time each community made up a hanseison or a rural administrative commune in shognate.
But in this article, the author revised such a general image of rural community through the extensive survey. He threw light upon following facts:
(1) Dispersed settlements, hamlets and lockere Haufendörfer are distributed in some extend in Japan. (Fig. 2)
(2) The scale of hanseison considerably varied regionally. (Tab. 1)
(3) In the area where dispersed settlements, hamlets and lockere Haufendörfer dominate, the scale of hanseison was too large or too small comparing with the average scale in all Japan.
And then the author practiced an intensive field survey in Sanuki province (now Kagawa prefecture) which was choiced as a sample area. He came to the following conclusion through this survey:
(1) In the dispersed settlement area, the cultivated fields of each farmer were concentrated around the each farmstead, and therefore farmers cultivated their fields more independently from other's than the farmers in the nucleated settlement area. Furthermore co-operations of farmers were done in the different units according to the purpose of co-operations, for example, irrigation, land tax paying, village festival and so on. Consequently the rural community did not distinctly exist there.
(2) In the nucleated settlement area, the cultivated fields of every farmer were mixed each other, and strong co-operations of farmers were compeled especially through the irrigation and consequently through the cultivation. Accordingly the rural community was typically existant there at the each nucleated settlement as a unit.
(3) In the hamlets or lockere Haufendörfer dominating area, the condition of rural community was the inter-mediate one between the community in the dispersed and that in the nucleated settlement area.

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The first relic of a grape (vitis teutonica) in Germany is found in the lower oligocene. It means, there was already a wild grape in the tertiary period. During the ice ages the northern limits of wild grapes were pushed southward to mediterranean areas and the Near East. After the ice ages wild grapes were introduced into Germany again through the Rhône and Donau river valleys. Viticulture, as such, was introduced into Germany during the 2nd century at the latest from the Near East.
With the Christianization of Germany, viticulture made the greatest areal expansion till the end of the Middle Ages. It was promoted as a terrace culture, which had been in existence since the 10th century, and by the efforts of the cloisters and churches, which had many vineyards in numerous villages, which were often located at a distance from the churches and cloisters (Fig. 1). But after the Middle Ages viticulture decreased due to the direct and the indirect damages caused by the 30-years-war. It is also said, that the decrease was due to a climatic change, namely the occurrence of cool climate after the Middle Ages. As a result many less favoured vineyards were changed into pasturelands and meadows (Fig 2).
After the 19th century, viticulture was still on the decrease, owing to the appearance of other kinds of drinks, for instance tea, beer, fruitwines, etc., to the shortage of the farming labour force, to the rising of wages through industrialization, and to the increasing competition from other wine producing regions with the development of the better transport (Fig. 3).
The development of viticulture gave rise to a typical wine producing house type with a wineceller (Fig. 4), intensive terrace culture landscape (Fig. 5), villages resembling city with a high population density (Tab. 1), towns with castle walls and many small towns and cities with wine marketing function, especially in southwest Germany.
The German vineyard is now distributed along the Rhine and its branches, Neckar, Main and Mosel (Fig. 6). The State of Pfalz is now the greatest wine producer in Germany (Tab. 2). The present situation of the German viticulture must be considered within the EEC economy. In the face of custom reduction within the EEC countries, import of cheap wines from Italy and France has forced German viticulture industry to make an effort to modernize this agricultural enterprise. To reduce production costs, they have improved the varieties of grapes (Tab. 3), cultivation techniques (from the pile-culture to the wire-culture). They have also been rationalizing the vineyards according to the law of readjustment of cultivated land (1953), by which farmers can get the financial aid from the State for carrying out the readjustment.

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