The study of spatial patterns of urban activities has been approached from two main points of view, factorial ecology and urban economic geography, whose major empasises are quite different. Factorial ecology pays particular attension to the spatial distribution of socio-economic characteristics of urban residents based on a nighttime urban structure. Urban economic geography, on the other hand, analyzes the areal arrangement of economic activities within a daytime urban structure.
In their approaches to spatial analysis and pattern specification, two defects are common to both points of view:
1) Quasi-subjective identification of spatial patterns, and
2) failure to integrate diverse aspects of urban activities according to their time-serial occurence.
The present article is a search for synthetic explanation of spatial structure of diverse urban activities, by applying spatial autocorrelation concepts to obtain pattern identification and integration. The research is divided into three major phases, outlined below:
The dynamic process of spatial patterns produced by urban activities occurs, and should be investigated, at various time. In this paper, the annual time series and the 24-hour cycle constitute the two major time spans. The annual time series is used in reference to changes in spatial patterns of economic activities, and the 24-hour cycle refers to the inter-transformation of spatial patterns of quotidian urban activities, appropriately represented by daytime, nighttime and intermediate population characteristics.
b) Spatial autocorrelation concepts, defined as spatial interdependency based on contiguity, are very useful in undertaking exact spatial pattern analysis. The coefficient I, devised by Moran and improved by Cliff and Ord, is used for test of pattern. I is evaluated from I=(n/W)∑₍₂₎W_ijZ_iZ_j/n∑iZ_i²(i≠j)……(1) Spatial interdependency, which is significant as underyling spatial structure, is expressed in the weight matrix.
c) Combining the two above analysis, we can proceed to an explanation of spatial-temporal processes of patterns. They are modeled on the independent variables of spatial and/or spatial-temporal lag components, which are equivalent to the received influences of each cell from the neighbors and evaluated from the most valid weight matrix in the test of spatial autocorrelation.
The data were collected in Osaka City, the second largest economic metropolis in Japan, a city that shows a remarkable transformation of spatial patterns of urban activities within 24 hours. All the data were compiled into 1, 010 meshes covering whole city, each mesh measuring 500m×500m.
1) Spatial Patterns of Daytime Activities
The principal component analysis consists of 26 economic activity variables for 1975.From the results obtained, the first component can be identified as an economic activity agglomerated in the central zone of the city. (Tab. 1) The second component is activity densely distributed in the inner city zone. The two components show clear centered and ring-like patterns respectively. (Fig. 2 and 3) Both patterns were examined by testing spatial autocorrelation based on isotropic weight (QUEENG). How-ever, to improve the power of the test, an attempt was made to construct a center-to-periphery type of weight, which is properly named as ‘diffusional’. My newly devised ‘diffusional’ weight confirms more clearly the underlying spatial structure of both patterns, which have a strong directional bias. (Tab. 3. a, b).
Statistical explanation of the observed patterns is attempted by using the spatial lag components calculated from the most effective ‘diffusional’weight matrix.

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It is recognized that the smallest spatial unit of Japanese rural society is the oaza, which roughly coincides with the areal extent of the hanseison, an administrative unit in rual areas in pre-Meiji feudal Japan. However, the areal extent of the hanseison or the oaza does not always coincide with those of the mura, the naturally developed agricultural commune.
Much research has been done concerning spatial relationships between formal and substantive regions, drawing examples from villages termed the Sue Mura type, which consist of several mura units chiefly found in the southwestern part of Japan. However, little has been done on the small-scale villages consisting of a single oaza, or former hanseison. This paper, therefore, aims to examine areal discrepancies between a formal region and a substantive region, and how such discrepancies came to exist, taking the hanseison or oaza as example of a formal region, and the mura as that of a substantive region.
During the Tokugawa era, the administration of the hanseison was done through the control of both the production of rice and the rice-producing households, since the revenue of the feudal government depended on the amount of rice produced in the respective feudal domain. In the province of Ecchu (present Toyama Prefecture), there existed single-oaza hanseison without any households or inhabitants. They were independent spatial entities created purely for administrative purposes. Such noninhabited “villages”, termed the mukason in this study, may be considered as strongly exhibiting characteristics of a formal region. At the same time, it is assumed that the non-inhabited “villages” also shared certain mura functions despite the lack of inhabitants. Thus, it is postulated that the examination of areal and functional changes of the mukason through time may help clarify certain dynamic relations between formal and substantive regions.
This study has examined the entire area of Ecchu Province. First, the overview of the present conditions has been presented through the survey of agricultural communes; second, after a survey of characteristics of formal region as observed through the hanseison and oaza, a taxonomic categorization of the situation, areal extent, and function of the mukason has been attempted.
The major findings are as follows:
1. The average number of household per agricultural commune in Toyama Prefecture is slightly less (33 households) than that of the national average, and the majority (72.5%) of the communes coincide with the oaza in areal extent. However, there are also two types of agricultural communes which may deserve attention:
1) some which are extremely small in size; and 2) some others which extend over two units of oaza.
2. As a result of very intensive reclamation efforts in Ecchu in order to create new paddy fields during the Early Tokugawa period, a large number of small-scale hanseison, including the mukason, came into existence. The reorganization of administrative systems during the Meiji era resulted in the renaming of mukason as oaza without changes in areal extent. After the Meiji era, the number of mukason was reduced, however, since many of the non-inhabited oaza units were amalgamated into other oaza units which contained settlements.
3. The main cause for the creation of mukason can be explained. Many detached territories and border areas having complicated administrative borderlines came to exist as a result of repeated flooding and consequent redevelopment. Agricultural lands in such areas were cultivated by inhabitants of neighboring villages, or by those of “parent villages” in some cases.

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Die Forschungen der geomorphologischen Prozesse sind in den letzten Jahrzehnten erfolgreich entwickelt. Trotzdem wind es immer klärer, daß die Prozesse selbst sehr kompliziert sind, und daß man die Informationen über die gegenwärtigen Prozesse nicht ohne weiteres in die vergangenen Zeiten extrapolieren kann.
Für die Erklärung der Landformen braucht man allerdings Forschungen der Morphodymanik. Unmittelbar können wir jedoch nur dieselben von Gegenwart beobachten. Damit sollten wir uns gezwungen when, für die Erklärung der Landformen, die zwar vor uns stehen, aber nicht zu dem Gegenwart gehören, die komplizierte Methode anzuwenden.
Eine der Schwierigkeiten, die dieser Verfahrensweise den Wen versperren, ist dieselbe von Vorzeitformen. In dieser Hinsicht vesuchte der Verfasser, zunächst den Begriff der Vorzeitformen klar zu machen.
Die Existenz der Vorzeitformen hat die von W.M. Davis aufgestellte monogenetische Erklärung der Landformen schwierig gemacht, und die neuen Betrachtungsweisen geweckt. Eine der Behandlungen war die klimatische Geomorphologie in Deutschland, und die Vorzeitformen wurden zuerst mit deren Aufschwung diskutiert.
Inzwischen wurde sie von W. Penck widersprochen. Die Erkenntnis der Vorzeitformen wurde vor allem mit der Hilfe der Bodenkunde erst in den'30 er Jahren unbewegt.
Die klimageomorphologische Betrachtungsweise übte Einfluß auf K. Bryan in USA aus, und die Vorzeitformen wurden von ihm bei weitem erwähnt. Zu dieser Zeit wurde das Problem von “relict landforms” von C.A. Cotton aufgegriffen.
Nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg wurde die Methode der absoluten Altersbestimmung der Landformen aufgestellt, und das Problem von Vorzeitformen hat sich weiter entfaltet.
Die dynamische Geomorphologie in USA hat eine neue Forschungsmethode eingeführt. Mit dem Begriff “dynamic equilibrium” ist der zeitlose Aspekt in den Vordergrund getreten. Mit der Einführung des System-Begriffs hat man später versucht, diesen mit dem zeitgebundenen Aspekt zu harmonisieren. In dieser vereinheitlichen Tendenz wurde die Zeit in Geomorphologic dreigeteilt; “geologic”, “modern” und “present”. Die noch nicht adaptierten Landformen in den ersteren zwei werden als “historical record” aufgefaßt.
In Deutschland versuchte man nach dem Krieg zuerst die Einteilung der klimageomorphologischen Zonen, die die gleichartigen geomorphologischen Eigenschaften haben. Die Kausalitäten zwischen Prozessen und Landformen werden dadei in Betracht gezogen. Dieser Behandlung verlegen auch die Vorzeitformen den Weg. J. Büdel hat als erster das Zeitverzögerungsproblem berührt. in dieser Betrachtungsweisc wird die historische Methode genommen, und die Formen der Erdoberfläche werden nach dem Alter idenfiziert. Dann wurde die klimagenetische Geomorphologic gegründet, und die Vorzeitformen werden als Reliefgeneratian weiter geteilt. Diese Teilung ist noch konkreter als dieselbe in der dynamischen Geomorphologic.
Sowohl die Gliederung der Zeit in dynamic geomorphology als auch die Reliefgenerationen in klimagenetischer Geomorphologie haben damit zu tun, die Landformen zeitlich und räumlich beschränkend zu erfassen. Es ist jedoch noch schwer, die Vorzeitformen streng zu definieren. Zu dieser Schwierigkeit gehören im groben 1, dieselbe vom Inhalt, und 2. dieselbe vom Ausmaß der Zeit und des Raums.

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