The object of this paper is to clarify how the residential areas in large Japanese city, Osaka, developed their own distinctive characteristics in the course of industrialisation. The study covers the modern period from the Meiji Restoration (1860's) to the beginning of the Showa Era (late 1920's to 1930's). The built-up area in this period exactly corresponds to the present-day inner city area. This paper also examines how and why the problems relating to the present inner city such as economic decline, physical decay and social disadvantage appeared in the industrialisation process since the Meiji Era. The author holds the following viewpoints: First, most of the emerging factory workers are assumed to be members of lower class society. Secondly, the poorer areas, which later became the inner city area, were created through the inflows of above mentioned factory workers in the course of industrialisation. Therefore the formation of lower class residential areas provides the key factor for the study of inner city problems in Osaka. Study of the labor market are used in clarifying social and living conditions of factory workers in the course of industrialisation. So the author deals with the changing process of labor markets as the analytical tool and focuses on the level of laborers' daily lives. The inadequacies of the existing Anglo-Saxon models to the areal structure of the Japanese city are pointed out, since the Japanese urban residential expansion can only be understood by taking into consideration the peculiar characteristics of the Japanese modernisation process.
The results obtained are as follows: The expansion of residential areas up to the beginning of World War I characterised mainly by the outward extension of the lower class residential areas that included most of the laborers working in the cotton textile industries, heavy industry and the miscellaneous industries. The labor markets in each industry were organised differently in this development. These laborers, however, all belonged to the essentially the same class, with no appreciable income or living standard differences among industries. The organisation of residential structure consistently reflected the periphery-lower class structure proposed by Sjoberg. After World War I, the following two new factors emerged: The first is the rapid increase of white collar office workers. The second is that of a growing distinction in standard of living as well as income among members of the former lower class society, i.e., between large heavy industry workers and other factory workers. These new two factors contributed to the transformation of residential structure independently of the existing structure. The most important development was the creation of new residential areas. In this stage three types of residential area were clearly observed. The first and dominant were lower class residential areas which surrounded the city center and extended outward, building up sparse areas among some flophouse districts even at this time. This area was also characterised by the progress of the slum clearance, appearance of Korean residential districts and real advent of social policies. The second type of residential area was that of the better-off factory workers, which was formed adjacent to the factories' sites. However, this type of residential area was distributed sporadically within the first type of residential area. Between them, there were found no appreciable distinctions of housing and living conditions. The third type was white collar office workers' residential areas, which were created beyond the lower class ones and restricted to the upland lying to the south-east of Osaka City. These areas were created independently of periphery-lower class structure, which had been the most dominant or sole areal differentiation up to this time.

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One of the characteristics of the history of Japanese geography in the modern period is the fact that the establishment of chairs was rather late compared with other sciences. It was not until 1907 that the chair of geography was founded at Kyoto Imperial University, the first one at any Japanese University. Before 1907, a few geographical books were written by non-specialists of geography and they received a warm welcome. Eminent among them were “Jimbun Chirigaku Kogi (Lecture on Human Geography)” (1888) and “Nihon Fukei Ron (On the Beauties of Natural Scenery of Japan and their Implications)” (1894) by S. Shiga, “Chirigaku Ko (Consideration of Geography, The Earth and Man)” (1894) by K. Uchimura, and “Jinsei Chirigaku (Geography of Life)” (1903) by T. Makiguchi.
Shiga and Uchimura were graduates of Sapporo Agricultural College, predecessor of the present Hokkaido University. Makiguchi, who was not a graduate of S.A.C., was a teacher at a normal school in Sapporo at the time he wrote his book, from 1897 to 1901. In addition to the above, I. Nitobe, who was a classmate of Uchimura's at S.A.C., introduced Meitzen's concept of the morphology of rural settlements for the first time in Japan in his book “Nogyo Honron (Main Discourse on Agriculture)” (1898). He was one of the promoters of The Research Society for Study of the Native Land, which exerted a considerable influence on the rise of human geographical studies in the 1910's and 20's.
We can safely say that Sapporo is one of the birthplaces of modern Japanese geography. However, Sapporo Agricultural College had no department of geography. Geography was not taught even as a separate subject, though S.A.C. had unique characteristics of a liberal art college compared with the other higher educational institutions at that time.
At the Library of Hokkaido University, there are collected various notebooks of the lectures delivered by American professors and recorded by Japanese students. Among them, there is found a notebook under the title of “Lecture on the Geography of Europe by Dr. J.C. Cutter, M.D., Notes by S. Ibuki, 1881”. Dr. Cutter was invited as a professor of physiology, comparative anatomy and English literature. In the introductory part of his lecture on English literature, he taught the geography of Europe, which is considered to be one of the earliest lectures on geography delivered at a higher educational institution in modern Japan.
In the present article, the Japanese translation of Prof. Cutter's lecture is made with explanatory remarks of the author. The lecture is composed of two parts, chapters 1 to 8, and 9 to 16. The former part contains physical geography of Europe, with an introduction entitled “Physical geography in relation to social conditions and pursuits” in the first chapter. The second part deals with the appearence and diffusion of races and languages in the Eurasian Continent with special reference to Aryan problems.
His lecture is highly characterized by the Euro-centric viewpoint which was prevalent in the 19th century. For example, he taught: “Semitic and Aryan languages were for a long time confined to the continent of Asia in which they occupied only small parts. They are now universally distributed. This group of languages have attained the highest degree of perfection. These types of languages are spoken by majority of the white type of the human species. They were introduced into Europe from India by the Aryan invasions or infiltration. From the Aryan mother tongue have sprung all the European languages. They are now used by peoples occupying about 3/15th of the earth's surface. It is the people using these languages who have been the leaders in civilization in historic periods”. This quoted opinion is typical of Europeans in the mid-19th century. It was accepted by some students at S.A.C., and rejected by others.

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It is a theme of regional-structure analysis in Human Geography to demarcate the smallest regional units of the community, and to clarify some functional connectivity among them in an hierarchical context.
In the feudal age of Japan, Hanseison functioned as the strongest regional unit. Oaza is derived from the Hanseison in the research area. The purpose of this paper, then, is to make clear the function of the Oaza and the structure of the community. The research area is Koyo-cho, in the northern suburbs of Hiroshima city, situated at the entrance leading to the Chugoku mountains, where typical lockere Haufendörfer can be discerned in the settlement pattern.
Judging from the fact that communal properties, have been held mainly by the Oaza, it is the basic unit of the community. But the practical functioning unit of the community is the Koburaku which is composed of about 50 households under the Oaza. Therefore in the lockere Haufendörfer area, the community is organized by the linkage of the Oaza and the Koburaku.
The function of the Koburaku was strengthened gradually by the Municipality Reorganization Act enacted in 1889 and the Chiho-Kairyo-undo (Social Reform Movement) after the Russo-Japanese War. Special stress must be laid on the fact that various activities of the Seinendan (the young men's association) came to be held on the Koburaku level after the latter half of the Meiji Era. Furthermore, in 1934, the Oaze properties officially became privately-owned, but a part of them were transferect in actuality to the Koburaku. In this way, the Koburaku was elevated to the status of the smallest modern community unit, and it became the Jichikai or Chonaikai (a town/block association) and the agricultural settlement instituted by the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry.
The dwindling Oaza communal forests, however, have persisted for several decades and been revived in the form of Airinkai (the association of the forest preservation) or Seisanshinrinkumiai (the productive forestry association). The existence of such a deep-rooted Oaza is worth noting from the view point of regional-structure analysis.

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