The landscapes of two settlements on the eastern shore of Lake Kasumigaura, Funazu and Tega-Shinden, are markedly different. Funazu is an agglomerated settlement surrounded by paddy fields, whereas Tega-Shinden is a scattered settlement with many ponds for carp-farming as well as paddy fields. Among other things, the difference in religious landscapes is notable. Funazu has facilities and stone momuments pertaining to folk religions, whereas Tega-Shinden has a large Buddhist temple. These differences are probably related to the differences in the Buddhist sect to which each group ascribes. People in Funazu are the followers of Tendaishu (or the Tendai Sect), whereas people in Tega-Shinden are Jodo-Shinshu (or the Jodo-Shin Sect) Buddhists. This study attempts to clarify the characteristics of the two settlements represented by their landscapes and discuss how these differences are related to the denominational difference.
The procedure is as follows: First, the origins of the settlements and the changes in house distribution are traced in order to ascertain the background the agglomerated and scattered landscapes (Part 2). Secondly, demographic characteristics are discussed in order to understand the people who have created the landscape (Part 3). Thirdly, the characteristics of economic activities, according to occupational structure and the management of agriculture and fishing will be addressed (Part 4). Fourthly, social organization is described, as it has had a direct influence on the religious landscape (Part 5). Finally, by using the previous findings, an analysis of the data will demonstrate how the characteristics of the settlements reflect the religious factors involved in their formation (Part 6). As a result, the differences in the physical and social characteristics of Funazu and Tega-Shinden, as well as the religious influences on the two settlements, will be evident.
Funazu originated in the 17th century, or earlier, and has traditionally had an agglomerated landscape. As the number of households had already reached fifty in the late 17th century, the rate of increase after that was slow. People were relatively conservative in their economic activities and had long maintained an agriculturally-oriented occupational pattern. By the 1960s people began to take on outside jobs other then than agriculture. Nevertheless, the agricultural management centered upon rice production has basically not changed. The Tendaishu temple is not so important to these people because they have some folk-belief organizations which have meetings fairly often. However, their members are limited to housewives or middle-aged men. Thus, these characteristics are influenced by folk beliefs as well as Tendaishu. This is partly due to the fact that Tendaishu incorporates characteristics of folk belief to some extent. Such religious influences in Funazu are fairly weak.
The ancestors of the people in Tega-Shinden came from Tonami in Etchu (Toyama Prefecture) at the beginning of the 19th century. It is thought that the scattered landscape in Tega-Shinden was transplanted from Tonami which is famous for its scattered landscape. The people tended to marry young and to have many children. As a result, the population increased rapidly, due in part to their Jodo-Shinshu religion which severly prohibited infanticide. People in Tega-Shinden have worked hard and introduced many new practices and techniques. They have expanded their management of agriculture, fishing, and independent business. There are many reasons for this. Their ancestors had no alternative but to work hard to reclaim wasteland, and many branch families had to find new jobs for their livelihood. Among other things, their hard-working spirit may have been influenced by Jodo-Shinshu's intrinsic charactristics as pointed out by K. Naito, a religious sociologist.

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School districts are one form of social region. The purpose of this study is to consider how primary school districts have been formed in relation to certain factors. It is assumed that the influence of those factors varies with the geographical characters of each region. Therefore, the author divided the case study area (Hiroshima City) into three regions: the region of the old castle town (inner city), the region surrounding the inner city, and the region which has been consolidated since 1971. As a result of this analysis, the formation processes of primary school districts are classified into four types. These types are summarized as follows:
In the region of the old castle town (the inner city), it was decided at first that school districts would be the same as each Shoku established by the Daiku-Shoku-Sei. This area consisted of Buke-Yashiki (samurai districts), Machi-Yashiki (Chonin districts), and Shingai (newly opened districts). Though these blocks characterized each Shoku, they were not equivalent to social regions. Afterwards, a lot of primary schools were established. Those school districts were based on population distribution, and their boundaries were natural boundaries in many cases. However, the blocks of this area were changed by war damage and land readjustment after the war. Since then, school districts have been reformed according to the actual circumstances, especially in regard to traffic safety problems of school attendance.
There are sprawl areas in both the regions surrounding the inner city and the region which has been consolidated since 1971. In these areas, there had been one school in most of the villages for a long time. Therefore, each school district had been strongly united as the social region. After the war, the population increased and now these areas are contiguous with the inner city. The areas of original villages have lost their meaning as school districts. It is considered that the present school districts are the new social regions replacing the original villages. The traffic safety of school attendance has become the most important factor in the formation of school districts. On the other hand, there are few sites for new schools in these areas. It is difficult to establish new schools as previously planned. This is apt to cause social problems about school districts.
In the rural areas within the region, which have been consolidated since 1971, one to three schools were established in each village. However, the population decreased rapidly after the war and a lot of schools were combined. The aim of these school combinations was to maintain a reasonable scale for the schools and to reduce the costs of education. In these areas, school districts have been formed according to the convenience of school attendance. As a factor in the formation of school districts, the existence of transport facilities for school attendance is more important than the distance of school attendance. The Oaza, which is recognized as important territorial relational grouping, has been adopted as the unit of school districts in those cases where the Oaza is contained in one traffic region.
There are new towns in both the region surrounding the inner city and the region which has been consolidated since 1971. When these new towns are constructed, primary schools are established intentionally. The factors in the formation of school districts, for example, the population distribution, the distance of school attendance, the traffic safety of school attendance, etc., are considered in the new town planning. Therefore, school districts are expected to become the new social regions from their inception.
These results show us that the basic factor in the formation of school districts is the population distribution, and that the traffic safety of school attendance is the single most important and common factor at present.

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This paper outlines the conditions of farming and grazing on the Tibetan Plateau and describes recent trends.
1) The pasturage extends in a semicircular belt along the provincial border from Changtan, Kansu, Suchung, and Yunnan, with summer-grazing in North Changtan, which is the least fertile area.
The Golmud-Lhasa road divides the plateau from South Changtan to the Gandise and Nyanqentanglha Ranges into eastern and western sectors. To the east is a good grazing area of high mountain meadows which produce 0.9-1.025t/ha of hay. To the west is a dry plain only good for sheep grazing.
The agricultural belt of the Ngiali area (Yarlung Zangbo Valley, Nu River, Lancang River, Jinsha River and Xinin City) is on the Tibetan Plateau. It produces mainly highland barley, wheat (winter and spring), rape, peas, and also provides pasturage. The traditional system of land utilization is a five-year crop rotation of highland barley-highland barley and peas-peas-wheat or rape-fallow.
2) The agricultural administration of the Cultural Revolution period is characterized by the following three points:
a) Increase in the production of winter wheat by order of the administration.
b) Development of cultivation and excessive grazing for the purpose of increasing food production.
c) Increased poverty.
Item (c) is a result of (a) and (b). Winter wheat gives greater yield, but because of the long growing season (300-350 days) increased winter wheat cultivation resulted in the reduced production of highland barley and zhanpa (barley flour) which is the staple food of Tibetans. In the period of the Cultural Revolution food production had been put in the forefront, but poor harvests were experienced in spite of cultivating good land.
Until the fall of 1980, production levels of livestock were assessed officially by the total number of head at the end of the year, leading to over-stocking and an increased burden on the grazing lands in the fall and winter. In addition, much of the best grazing land was converted to crop land, and as a result the deaths of livestock increased. This policy ruined farming on the Tibetan Plateau, whose previous econmic foundations were fragile. In addition to that, the Cultural Revolution, which began in 1966, gave rise to a great number of political scandals at the same time that people lost econmic incentives in their agricultural labor.
3) After the Cultural Revolution, a new policy began in Qinghai Province in 1979 and in the Tibetan Autonmous Region in 1980. Various systems of production responsibility, including private management, were adopted during the following phase of production administration. The agricultural practices reverted, and much cultivated land was returned to grazing ground.

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Ama-divers specialize in the collection of certain varieties of shellfish and seaweed. They have been engaged in diving along the seacoasts of Japan since the Jomon Period. At present, a total of 20, 000 male and female Ama-divers are still engaged in diving. ABU is one village of such Ama-divers.
The object of this paper is to examine the conditions of survival of an Amadiving fishery in ABU. The results obtained are as follows:
1) The fundamental factor in the long-term survival of the Ama-diving fishery is the existence of a suitable submarine topography and inshore currents that provide a habitat for shellfish and seaweed.
2) Since the Meiji Era, the Ama-divers have kept a balance between fish resources and the number of fishermen by the management of fishing grounds. Since 1965, catches of abalone have gradually increased, and the Ama-diving fishery has prospered, because fishermen carried out exhaustive measures to preserve fish resources and construct propagation grounds for abalone larvas.
3) ABU-produced abalones are high in price because they are given the highest ranking in the Osaka central wholesale market. Thus abalone production has a comparative advantage over other fish products in the market, and the Ama-diving fishery has gained an important position in the regional economy.
4) Since Ama-divers are engaged in the diving fishery during the summer, and in pole-line fishing in other seasons, they have been able to work in their village throughout the year, and have not needed to seek employment elsewhere.

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