With shifts in economic development from the higher growth of the mid-fifties and sixties into the stable growth that has continued from the early seventies, the Japanese industrial structure has changed drastically. While the relative status of secondary industry has decreased, tertiary industry has developed a great deal. Changes in industrial structure, however, do not mean only such changes in the components between industries. As the value of information and services in the economy has become more important than that of physical production, the position of service activities has risen not only in tertiary industry but also in primary and secondary industries. Therefore, studies which focus on the spatial changes of economic activities which have happened along with the advancement of industrial structure have to be done from the point of view of the functional roles of these activities within industries as well as the traditional classification of industries.
The most advanced industrial structures can be seen in metropolises, among which Nagoya, the study area of this paper, is included. The spatial structures of these metropolises, which developed along with the industrialization of the postwar high economic growth period, have gradually been reorganized in accordance with changes in their industrial structure. This study attempts to reveal such temporal and spatial reorganization of economic activities in the City of Nagoya. Its main purpose is to grasp the general trends in spatial distribution of establishments categorized not only by kinds of industries but also by functional types.
Analysis of the component changes of establishments by kinds of industries shows that the percentages of service, construction, wholesale, transportation-communication, and finance-insurance have increased in more than half of 14 wards during the period from the end of the sixties to the mid-eighties. Component shares of manufacturing and retail, however, have decreased in many wards during the same period. Wholesale and service have increased in number of workers as well as number of establishments, but the number of both categories has dropped a great deal in manufacturing. The decrease of workers in manufacturing has been accelerated by the outflow of large factories from the city. In the retail sector, the number of establishments has decreased, but the number of workers has continued to increase. The sectoral pattern, which can be seen in such spatial changes of establishments, suggests that wards located in certain sectoral direction from the city center reveal similar patterns of change.
The second analysis was carried out on the spatial changes of establishments that were categorized by both industry and function. This analysis revealed that while office and business type firms have greatly increased in number all over Nagoya, factory, workshop and mining type firms have decreased remarkably. Store and restaurant type firms, which increased in the seventies, have decreasd in absolute number in the wards around the city center during the eighties. Office and business type firms, which employed nearly half of all workers in the mid-eighties are found not only in tertiary industry like wholesale and service but also in primary and secondary industry. These office and business type firms, which have developed to become a leading sector of the metropolitan economy, have increased in number mainly in the central and eastern wards of the city.
It is necessary to grasp the general trends of firm distribution in order to build an empirical model of the regional structure of metropolises. For this reason, in the latter part of this study, an attempt was made to reveal the trends of firm distribution by means of regional concentration coefficients. In addition to this, the grouping of establishment types in terms of their locational pattern is attempted, and regional classification is carried out using this result.

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T. Kagamiyama reported that the Jobo grid pattern of Dazaifu consisted of 24 bo East-west and 22 bo North-south in 1968. Each bo was thought to be a rectangular shape of approximately 109 meters each side, the same as the Jori grid pattern. This is the only restored plan of Dazaifu in spite of many papers and reports from archaeology, history and geography for 20 years.
This paper reports on a 100 meter-interval grid pattern in the vicinity of the sites of main administrative buildings of Dazaifu (Figures 1 and 2) and reconstructs the Jobo grid pattern of this size as shown in Figures 2 and 4. The area of each bo is 8 tan (approx. 0.95 hectares) which is the upper limit of the area of paddies in historical documents (Table 1). Some documents showed that administrators and the principal temple also recognized this size bo in the 11th century.
The 100 meters unit closely resembles the 280 shaku of Taishaku at the beginning of the 8th century. Some ditches or channels in ancient and medieval times which were archaeologically excavated, were found on the 100 meter-interval grid pattern. The distance of center lines of main administrative buildings and the principal temple is also a multiple number of 100 meters. The distribution of paddies in historical documents is reasonable from the point of view of physical features on the restored Jobo Plan (Figure 3, 4 and 5).
The place indication system of Jobo was used after 975 and not before 905. It seems to have been introduced during this period. In this period, the more splendid main buildings were rebuilt after the battle in 941, and the number of administrators and bureaucrats increased. Several kinds of activities of Dazaifu became independent departments at the same time.
This tendency seems to have required a systematic place indication system for allocating paddies of each independent department. In fact such new planning of Dazaifu was possible in the middle of the 10th century. Administrators and bureaucrats of Dazaifu must have regarded their town as a smaller ancient capital. Dazaifu was a large town consisting of several groups of facilities or scattered sectors until the middle of the 10th century. But the Jobo Plan of Dazaifu was quite different from the Jobo plan of capitals. It was introduced mainly for allocating or indicating paddies as in the Jori indication system in rural areas in the middle of the 8th century.

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This paper reviews the trends and problems of applied marketing geography in North America. Thought and trends of applied marketing geography in this paper are mainly based on the studies and thought of Epstein (1978; 1982; 1984) who is one of the leading experts in the learned circles of marketing geography in North America at present and has inherited part of the researches and thoughts of Applebaum (1954; 1968) who is one of the pioneers of marketing geography. Their approach is typical of the American marketing geography pattern, which is unlike the European pattern.
Marketing geography was born and developed in North America so that marketing was born and matured in North America. There are social, economic, legal, cultural and regional environments peculiar to North America in its background, and marketing geography is influenced by and influences these environments.
According to the definition of Epstein, marketing geography ‘is applied science to solve practically dynamic spatial problems take place when business and organizations (society) perform marketing activities, on the basis of the research activities conducted on behalf of retail and service firms, industrial concerns, and/or nonprofit organizations, the researches into decision-making process resolution, indicator problem measurement and resolution, and cost/benefit trade-off resolution and so on’.
We tried to elucidate the present various fields for research of applied marketing geography in North America to marketing activities in business and organizations (society), and to divide these into groups as:
(1) Research (analysis, evaluation, model construction) into business and consumer decision-making process.
(2) Research (data collection, survey, measurement, analysis, evaluation) into market places and trading areas.
(3) Research (survey, analysis, evaluation) into business location.
(4) Research (analysis, evaluation, design) into consistency of land use control, especially zoning legislation, and development works, and the performing of feasibility studies and designing of feasibility reports.
(5) Research (planning, analysis, evaluation, system construction) into marketing strategies.
Various problems are taking place there because applied marketing geography in North America has such trends and characteristics. Nevertheless, it is even more necessary for marketing geography to evolve in response to the expectations of North American business and society. The future problems of applied marketing geography in North America are able to focalize as:
(1) Expansion of the field for research corresponding to internationalization and the information-oriented society and its practical systematization.
(2) Much more fullness of applied marketing geography education.
(3) Much more efforts to increase job opportunities for applied marketing geography majors and expansion of contribution to business and society.
When we take into consideration such trends and problems, it may well be said that applied marketing geography in North America has immeasurable expectations as to its role.
At the end, I would like to thank to Professor Bart J. Epstein and John A. Dawson who have helped me in the preparation of this paper.

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Most climatic elements are not easily visible. But their effects can sometimes be perceived as the landscape of vegetation, etc. The landscape of the wind breaks for cultivated land on the Ishikari Plan, Hokkaido is very unique in Japan. This could be regarded as a cultural landscape. Further, the possibility that the landscape can be recognized s a“Cultural-Climatic Landscape (Bunkakeikanteki-Kikokeikan)”as defined by Taiji YAZAWA is investigated in this study.
The Main Wind Breaks (Kansen-Bofurin) and Sub Wind Breaks (Kochi-Bofurin) are dealt with in this study. The first Main Wind Breaks were established by The Prefectural Office of Hokkaido (Hokkaido-cho) according to The Project of Selection and Division of Settlement (Shokuminchi-Sentei-Kukaku-Jigyo) in Meiji Era. Most of the Main Wind Breaks of present have been maintained from that time. Most of Sub Wind Breaks were planted by individual farmers in Meiji Era, too. At the time of planting, the condition of the prevailing winds (especially its direction and velocity in early summer) should have been taken into consideration. Thus, the character of wind breaks (for instance density of distribution of wind breaks on agricultural land, width of the belt of wind breaks and so on) can represent the condition of prevailing wind. If the relationship between the condition of prevailing winds and the character of wind breaks can be clarified, the wind breaks can be regarded as a kind of Climatic Landscape.
As a result of the investigation, it was shown that several patterns of relationships between the condition and character exist.
These are as follows:
(1) The One-Directional Arrangement of Main Wind Breaks-
This arrangement of Main Wind Breaks shows that the strong prevailing wind comes at it almost perpendicularly.
(2) The Two-Directional Arrangement of Main Wind Breaks-
The Main Wind Breaks themselves are arranged in a grid pattern, and the direction of strong prevailing wind comes from an oblique angle.
(3) The One-Directional Arrangement of Sub Wind Breaks-
A number of Sub Wind Breaks are arranged in a single direction, and sometimes supplement the Main Wind Break. For this pattern, the direction of prevailing wind is also perpendicular as in the first type, but the wind velocity is relatively less.
From these of observations was shown that the wind breaks for cultivated land on the Ishikari Plain, Hokkaido are subject to the influence of prevailing wind direction and velocity, so they can be regarded as a kind of the“Climatic Landscape”.

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