人文地理
Online ISSN : 1883-4086
Print ISSN : 0018-7216
ISSN-L : 0018-7216
42 巻, 1 号
選択された号の論文の5件中1~5を表示しています
  • 大分県久住町都野地区の事例
    勝目 忍
    1990 年 42 巻 1 号 p. 1-24
    発行日: 1990/02/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    The object of this thesis is to clarify what sort of systematic relationship exists between villages and the forest-land commons and what type of spatial structure is formed there.
    The district studied is the Miyakono District, Kujumachi, Oita Prefecture in the eastern part of Kyushu (located at the southern foot of the Kuju Mountain Range, a group of the highest volcanoes in Kyushu). This district can topographically be divided into three zones from north to south: the mountain zone, the flatland zone and the hilly zone. Within the Miyakono District, there are 25 villages and 363 sections of forest-land commons.
    A forest-land common is a plot of forest-land which, by custom, is utilized jointly by the villagers for fetching firewood, mowing grass and grazing cattle. Especially for paddy-rice production in Japan, the forest-land commons used to be something indispensable for the formers in enhancing the productivity of rice. The forest-land commons were, in fact, extremely important in that they formed the basis of the traditional type of agriculture in which grass gathered from the forest-land was not only used as feed for the cattle and as barnyard manure but were also put to direct use in the paddy fields where the grass was spread across the fields to be used as manure.
    It has been found that these 363 sections of forest-land commons, in view of their ownership relations and of the way they cluster together regionally, comprised a total of 63 commonage groups. As a result of the studies made on these 63 commonage groups and the actual groups of people formed on the basis of the commonage groups, that is, the Pastureland group and the Field-burning group (consisting of people who burn up the field in order to eliminate harmful insects and to increase the output of grass), it has also been found that territories, ranging from Type A to Type E, have been formed.
    Among the Types A to E, the territory of Type A is the largest in the district, covering a wide area extending across the Miyakono District from the northwestern mountain zone to almost all of the flatland. The terrftory contains 11 of the 25 villages in the Miyakono District and, of these 11 villages, two are located along the line extending at the foot of the mountain and the remaining 9 on the flat-land. The number of commonage grops with which the abovementioned 11 villages are related reaches as many as 23. At the innermost region (northern mountain area) is Bogazuru in which is located Juichi Bokuya, or‘Eleven's Pastureland’(which all of the 11 villages have the right to use). To the south of the above-mentioned pastureland, an area that corresponds to the second innermost mountain region, there are the Nanakumi Rinya, or the ‘Seven groups' Forest-land’(which 7 of the 11 villages have the right to use) and the Kyukumi Bokuya, or the‘Nine groups' Pastureland’, (which 9 of the 11 villages have right to use). Further to the south of the above-mentioned plots of land and in the mountains close to the villages, there are numerous plots of pastureland, some of which are used by 2-5 of the 11 villages, and others by only one village each. As to the forms of these plots of pastureland, it has been found that, as shown in the right bottom of the Fig. 4, they are of four-layer structure.
    The villages located on the flatland either have no territory of their own in the forest-land common or, even if they do, the volume of territory they own is small in most cases. From such date obtained as mentioned above, it is possible for us to read as to how the communities have endeavored to survive together despite the conditions disadvantageous to their grass-manure agriculture. What they have done in order to maintain such villages under unfavorable conditions as described above is that the communities made certain that the forest-land commons and the villages were functionally related to one another
  • 都市構造と交通流動の関係を中心として
    小長谷 一之
    1990 年 42 巻 1 号 p. 25-49
    発行日: 1990/02/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 岡山県東備地域を事例として
    三木 理史
    1990 年 42 巻 1 号 p. 50-65
    発行日: 1990/02/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    After World War II, one of the subjects of research on railway history centering on the history of economics was the function of ‘Industrial Railways’. Research like this has usually drawn the conclusion that the immaturity of local commercial capital in the early stages of the development of Japanese capitalism has made merket structure weak, and has prevented the accomplishment of the function of ‘Industrial Railways’.
    Research on ‘Industrial Railways’ in the past has discussed those built in the Meiji Era[the Meiji Era(1868-1912)], and has been limited. In Japan, trunk lines and sub-trunk lines were established during this period. In addition to this period, however, Japan had another railway building boom. It was the boom which was spurred by carrying out ‘the Keiben-tetsudo Law’ in the Taisho Era[theTaisho Era(1912-1926)]. Construction of local railways, which seem to be closely related to local industries, reached its peak during this period in the Taisho Era rather than during the period in the Meiji Era first mentioned. Hence, I want to focus my discussion on ‘keiben-tetsudo’ during the boom period in the Taisho Era.
    The Katakami Railway running through the Tobi district is said to be a good example of an ‘Industrial Railway’ in Japan although it was built as a ‘keiben-tetsudo’ in the Taisho Era. I will discuss its historical and geographical background in the Tobi district.
    Construction of a railway in the Tobi district was first planned to connect the two towns of Mituiishi and Katakami. In Mitsuishi there was a pagodite mine, and in Katakami, a harbour. The Katakami Keiben-tetsudo (which was not finished although it was promoted in the 1912) and the Katakami Railway which was promoted in 1920, were under consideration at first for the transport of material for fire-brick and its products between Mitsuishi and Katakami. However, consulting the aims of the ‘Keibentetsudo Law’, their fundamental purpose was modernization of transport in the Tobi district. These plans had this objective, and yet they had to be related to local industries for the transport of material and manufactured goods. Two reasons are considered for this. For one thing they could ask the associated businesses to back the project financially, and for another if business performance in the transport of passengers was not good after starting a business, it was possible to make up for the loss by the transport of goods.
    But, hit by the depression, the fire-brick industry, which had seemed to be hopeful in this district, was in difficulty. In consequence, the plan suffered a setback. And, almost simultaneously with the project of the Katakami Railway, Fujita-Gumi started to exploit the Yanahara mine situated in the northern part of the district. Fugita-Gumi was formed by a capitalist group. It was not long before Fujita-Gumi had the idea that watert transport on the Yoshii River could be replaced by the extension of the Katakami Railway. After Fujita-Gumi took notice of the Katakami Railway, the management of the Katakami Railway came to depend on Fujita-Gumi to make their business steady. Gradually, the Katakami Railway began to reflect the intentions of Fujita-Gumi. Thus, retaining its first function as a modern means of transport in the Tobi district, the Katakami Railway was taking on another function as an ‘Industrial Railway’ of Fujita-Gumi.
    The Katakami Railway was not originally an ‘Industrial railway’ for the transport of minerals of the Yanahara mine although traditional theories said so. It was started at first as a project aimed at modernization of transport in the district, and then was taken advantage of by Fujita-Gumi. It was an example of an ‘Industrial Railway’ built in the Taisho Era that evolved from the ‘keiben-tetsudo’
  • 神奈川県の事例を中心として
    富田 和暁, 本間 一江
    1990 年 42 巻 1 号 p. 66-81
    発行日: 1990/02/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this paper is to analyse the spatial organization of the home delivery network system which organizes the entire area of Japan. Two major home delivery companies, Yamato Transport Co. Ltd. and Nippon Transportation Co. Ltd., were chosen as objects of investigation. We analysed the spatial organization of these home delivery service systems in Kanagawa Prefecture, which is adjacent to the Tokyo Metropolis. The eastern part of Kanagawa Prefecture, a part of the Tokyo Metropolitan Area, is a remarkably urbanized area, while the western part of it is less urbanized.
    The results of the analysis are summarized as follows:
    1) There is no difference in the principal organization between the above two companies. Both companies have a hierarchical functional organization. This is composed of three hierarchical functions: agency, collection and delivery establishment, and truck terminal as shown in Fig. 1.
    2) Consumers who use the home delivery service carry their loads to the agency as a rule. The agency functions as a lower order organization in direct contact with the consumer. The agency which is entrusted by a home delivery company is an existing establishment, such as a convenience store or a greengrocery. Therefore, we may say that the concept of threshold demand is not applicable to the location of the agency.
    3) The collection and delivery establishment (hereafter abbreviated as branch) is under direct management of the home delivery company. The branch organizes local space as a middle order function in the aspect of collection and as a lower order function in the aspect of delivery. To perform these functions, each branch has its territory.
    4) The branch site needs a considerably large area. We may say that this causes difficulty in acquisition of desirable branch sites in urbanized areas. As the demand for home delivery service rises, it becomes necessary to increase the number of branches. The reason for the above is that enlargement of the branch site at the existing location is practically impossible. If the enlargent of existing branches were possible, many branches as shown in Fig. 3 and Fig. 4 would be unnecessary for the present home delivery system.
    5) Truck terminals are the nodes of inter-region transportation and organize the region as a higher order function in the home delivery system. Each truck terminal also has its territory.
    The relations between the concepts of central place theory and the spatial oraganization of the home delivery system in Kanagawa Prefecture may be summarized as follows:
    We may say that the concepts of central place theory, that is, threshold demand and upper limit of range of goods, are applicable to the framework for theoreical location of home delivery organizations. However, there are great disparities between the real organization and the theoretical organization. For example, the number of branches is more than that expected in the theoretical considerations.
    The significant factors influencing the above disparity are the difficulty of acquisition of desirable spaces for the locations in urbanized areas and the competition between the companies for the market.
    Furthermore, we may point out that the home delivery service system functions perfectly when the system organizes the total area. This means that the profit of the each establishment is insignificant. The concepts of central place theory originally should be applicable to the location of profit motivated individual establishments. The spatial organization of the home delivery network system cannot be fully explained only by the concepts of the central place theory, because the establishments belonging to a network system function as elements of the system.
  • 報告・討論の要旨および座長の所見
    1990 年 42 巻 1 号 p. 82-93
    発行日: 1990/02/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
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