This study aims to clarify the spatial structure of the “Mt. Iwaki belief” in the Tsugaru district of Aomori Prefecture. During the Edo period Mt. Iwaki belief was encouraged by the Tsugaru-han, the local authority in the district, who supported Hyakutakuji temple on Mt. Iwaki in order to further their political control. The han authorities also accepted the local Tango-Biyori legend which suggested that whenever people from the Tango region of Kyoto prefecture entered Tsugaru the wrath of Mt. Iwaki was incurred and stormy weather would result. In times of bad weather, therefore, the people of Tsugaru would hunt down anyone hailing from Tango. Given the tacit encouragement of the authorities, it is fair to suggest that the sphere of Mt. Iwaki belief covered the same area as the territory of Tsugaru-han.
This said, it should also be pointed out that neither the han authorities, nor Hyakutakuji temple, had direct control over Mt. Iwaki belief. Thus, Oyama-Sankei, one of the central features of Mt. Iwaki belief, was never controlled by any particular religious organization. Oyama-Sankei was a coming-of-age initiation ceremony held on the lunar equivalent of August 1st. The age at which initiants took part, however, varied among the different villages of Tsugaru. In the 15 kilometer zone surrounding Mt. Iwaki, initiation took place during young childhood. Further away, in the 15-30 kilometer zone, initiation was at a slightly older age, and in the furthest zone, 30-70 kilometers away, initiation was delayed until adolescence. In this outer zone it was also the case that other mountains were used as a substitute for Mt. Iwaki.
There was no clearly defined route for pilgrims observing Oyama-Sankei, and a number of ways up Mt. Iwaki were utilized. Four routes stand out in particular, passing through Hyakusawa-guchi (at the south-east foot of the mountain), Nagadai-guchi (north-west), Dake-guchi (south-west), and Oishi-guchi (north-east). The former two were used by locals as well as those from further afield, and the latter two mostly by locals. Thus, the spatial structure of Mt. Iwaki belief can be considered from the point of view of age of worshippers at the time of initiation, the route used for pilgrimage, and the location of substitute mountains.

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There are two main processes underlying the formation of a nation-state. First is the process of state-building, which has been related to the territorialization of state hegemony. Second is the process of nation-building, which is linked with the creation of a citizenry. In October 1949, when the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) came into power, the influence of the CCP in frontier areas occupied by minority nationalities was quite limited. Such areas formed a kind of buffer zone, where the interests of local ethnic minorities, the former Guomindang government, and various foreign powers all lay in competition. Following the establishment of the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region in 1947 the CCP produced a state-building plan known as the Regional Autonomy System for Minority Nationalities (RAS), with the purpose of integrating frontier areas into the territory under the direct power of the CCP. The purpose of this study is to elucidate the development of the Autonomy Policy of the CCP, paying special attention to the formation of Chinese state building in the 1950s.
In the second section of this study the development and present state of Nationality Autonomous Areas (NAA) is examined from a historical perspective. During the period 1947-1958 four autonomous regions, twenty-eight autonomous prefectures, and fifty-three autonomous counties were established. In the 1960s and 1970s, when the ethnic policy of the CCP had been largely rejected under the influence of the Great Leap Forward and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, only the Tibet autonomous region and ten autonomous counties were established. Afterwards, the number of autonomous counties increased rapidly following enforcement of the Law on Regional Autonomy for Minority Nationalities in 1984. Evidence is brought to light, however, to suggest that several NAAs said to have been established after 1959 were set up in the 1950s. In fact, the structure of the present administrative organization in almost all Chinese minority areas, with the only exceptions of the Tuija and the Man nationalities, were formulated in the 1950s. This is considered to be the decisive period in which the CCP government created a nation-state.
The third section of this paper explains how, in the first half of the 1950s, Nationality Autonomous Regions (NAR) and Nationality Democratic United Governments (NDUG) were set up as predecessors of NAAs. The CCP dispatched missions to three regions with minority groups which, in the South-West and the Middle-South, resulted in the establishment of a large number of NAR and NDUGs. In the South-West region in particular, eighty-five NARs and 163 NDUGs had been set up by the end of 1951 (with a view to their importance for national defence), although formal enactment was not carried out until August, 1952.
Administrative reorganization of these districts in the second half of the 1950s is discussed in section four of this paper. The Chinese Constitution of 1954 provided for a new administrative order, with NAR and NDUGs to be replaced by NAAs comprising autonomous regions, autonomous prefectures, and autonomous counties. Three policies for reorganization, announced officially at the end of 1954, clarified the complementarity of these districts with one another and introduced certain reforms. RAS policies after 1958 are also discussed briefly in this section.
The final section investigates whether or not RAS policies have been applied equally to all the main nationality minorities, using data from the 1990 Census of Minority Nationalities. The political and administrative conditions of minority nationalities are classified into six categories according to the number of autonomous areas for each minority nationality and the percentage share of total population occupied by these groups. The results indicate that minority nationalities are not always treated equally by the CCP.

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International finance is now playing a pivotal role in the world economy. This economic activity is regarded as one of revitalizing industries for the future development of cities but is now becoming more concentrated in a handful of cities in the world. In geography, however, relatively little attention has been paid to international finance. Similarly, urban and regional economists have not concentrated their attention on finance, and monetary and financial economists have shown little interest in geographic location. There has been a growing concern for spatial awareness in social science, and this is demonstrated by the occurrence of studies focusing on the spatial aspects of international finance in the 1980s. The present paper is aiming to review these studies and propose some new research perspectives on this study area. Given the condition that it is almost impossible to trace international money flows at a global scale, the study of overseas activities of financial institutions, and the study of international financial centers are taken in this paper as geographical studies.
The studies of overseas activities of financial institutions are somewhat led by theoretical studies, because it is difficult to conduct empirical research on individual financial institutions which try to conceal their customer information. The primary interests of theoretical research in the study of overseas activities of financial institutions are to investigate what kinds of activities they are doing at overseas offices, and why they establish those overseas offices. As to the former question, several-stage evolution models of the overseas activities of financial institutions are presented. In these models, it appears the activities of foreign financial institutions are approaching those of local financial institutions gradually. As to the latter question, there are several approaches such as noting the relationship with national industries, focusing on the differences of financial regulations among countries, and applying the theories of multi-national corporations. These theoretical studies, however, tend to be based on the concept of spatial dualism, i. e. home country and overseas, and pay little attention to the diversity of the regions overseas. Accordingly, theories related to the overseas activities of financial institutions often fail to grasp their spatial dynamics.
Several researchers have tried to compare different countries using the data compiled by international organizations such as OECD, UN, World Bank, IMF, and BIS. Almost all of these studies use quantitative data such as the number of overseas branches or total amount of foreign transactions by countries. Very few attempts have been made comparing studies of several countries or areas with qualitative data, e. g. the differences in the overseas activities of financial institutions according to region. There are some qualitative studies, but they focus their attention on only one country; they are not comparative studies.
Therefore, it is necessary to accumulate empirical case studies of overseas activities of financial institutions in many regions by geographers. The construction of spatial structure and spatial evolution models in the overseas activities of financial institutions using some geographically theoretical concepts such as Core-Periphery regions derived from World-system theory is necessary.
Regarding the studies of international financial centers, they can be divided into two study perspectives: studies which deal with several centers and studies which mainly focus on a single center. In the first perspective, by comparing several centers, a great deal of effort has been made into understanding the historical development processes and the development factors of international financial centers, the typology and hierarchy of the centers, and the mutual relationships between the centers.

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Many previous locational surveys of library and other public facilities have been based on the use of location-allocation models, often utilizing the p-median solution. Unfortunately, such studies commonly lack a detailed comparison of actual patterns of location with the theoretical optimum thus derived. This note compares the actual visitor areas of public libraries in Hirakata City, Osaka, with the optimal areas obtained by the p-median solution and examines potential sites for new library location. A secondary aim is to consider the appropriateness of egg-shaped visitor areas within a city environment, as originally proposed by Kurihara et al. (1975).
Section two of this note describes the development of municipal libraries, followed in sections three and four with a presentation of the optimal pattern for visitor areas and a comparison of this pattern with actual visitor areas. The results indicate that some areas (meshes) are still without adequate library provision, but that this shortfall could be overcome with the provision of two new branch libraries (fig. 5). Since no alteration in location of current services seems necessary, discussion on the hierarchy of library provision is deemed inappropriate. The results also indicate that the hypothesis of egg-shaped visitor areas does not apply in this case.
More realistic results could be achieved by the following: consideration of the different attributes of library visitors; consideration of different modes of transport used to get to libraries;
and collection of truly objective measures of populations and distances.

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The present writer elucidates the factors in the expansion of the Chinese residential area in Nagasaki after 1900, according to statistics and his own direct inquiries with members of the Chinese community.
The majority of Chinese in Nagasaki are a group from the Foochow district in the north of Hokkien Province, China (Table 1, 2). They immigrated just after 1899 when the residential restriction system for foreigners was abolished (Table 3). They came to Nagasaki relying upon their relations or upon former immigrants from the same Hokkien province.
They concentrated in and around the China-town area of Shinchi-cho and had been living together at least until 1961 (Fig. 2). At first, they used to engage in itinerant trade. Then, those who earned sufficient changed their business into traders, restaurant owners, merchants of various kinds, barbers and so on.
During World War II, the Chinese in Japan suffered various forms of discrimination and persecution since they were regarded as the enemy. Therefore, some of them returned to their own country. After the War, their occupation became concentrated as restaurant owners and merchants of various kinds. They obtained raw materials for their business through the courtesy of the GHQ and some even made a large profit. However, few Chinese extended their business to manufacturing, except to produce Chinese confectioneries and noodles. It was difficult for Chinese to extend their business because banking facilities tended to reject financing to Chinese companies. The opportunities to enter professional occupations for the second generation were restricted in spite of their high educational background. Most of them were obliged to succeed to their family occupations (Table 4). The conclusion of the Sino-Japanese treaty in 1972 and the following China boom in Japan enabled them to extend their business, however.
Recently, as most Japanese companies have opened the doors to Chinese and banking facilities have not discriminated against Chinese companies, they have succeeded economically more than ever. Social classes among the third generation, therefore, have become diversified (Table 6). The change of socio-economic status among three generations of Chinese influenced their residential pattern. After the 1960s, the Chinese residential area extended to the whole of Nagasaki City (Fig. 3). Such residential dispersion was mainly caused by the expansion in business opportunities for the second generation. Moreover, some of the third generation migrate from Nagasaki to other metropolitan areas, such as Tokyo and Osaka, in order to go to college and to obtain more profitable jobs.

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