The administrative area of Kohri, the early form of ‘county’ in late seventh century Japan, has been regarded as a succession to the territory previoasly held by a specific powerful clan. This thought is based upon the fact that many Kohri were established according to the applications by the clans. However the existence of such applications did not always mean that the territory of Kohri coincided with that of the clan, and the relation between the territory of Kohri and that of the powerful clan has not yet effectively been inquired.
In this paper, the author has surveyed the distribution of ancient tombs and has reexamined the folklore on the powerful clans in the provinces of Tango, Wakasa, Hitachi, Ise and Harima. As a result, Kohri can be classified into four types: A) those consisting of the area ruled by specific powerful clan; B) those containing the area ruled by specific powerful clan as a part; C) those containing the areas ruled by plural powerful clans; D) and those not containing the specific areas ruled by powerful clans. Among these types, the old image of the territory of Kohri assumed they were all type A. However it is remarkable that there were many cases of types B, C and D. This means that the territory of Kohri was demarcated not only by succeeding to the territory of a specific powerful clan, but also by following a policy of the ancient state.
Examining historical records, it has been found that type B was standard, but A was not. The process of the establishment of Kohri is summarized as follows: (1) In 646, members of specific powerful clan (Kuninomiyatsuko) in each area were appointed as local government officials, and new local administrative districts were established. (2) Considering the number of Kuninomiyatsuko, the territories of these local administrative districts might be wider than the areas originally ruled by them. (3) In 649, these local administrative districts were rearranged to Kohri. (4) Consequently the type B is regarded as the basic type of Kohri, and other types are later versions which evolved in the period of re-dividing Kohri in and after 653. (5) It is supposed that powerful clans, who missed the positions of officers of Kohri in the first stage, demanded such positions for keeping their powers in their territory, or that the necessity arose to control the territory of Kohri more smoothly.
The territory of Kohri is fundamentally a region that was formed by the political intention of the ancient state, and the character as a formal region is stronger than that as a substantive region.

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Behavioral geography, which started in the 1960s, had lost its impetus on account of internal division and various criticism from radicals and humanists in geography after about 1980. Because of its perceived lack of social relevance at a time when social issues had become the major focus of human geography, behavioral research was often relegated to a minor role within the discipline.
Behavioral geography, however, has revitalized since 1990. This stems from two sources: the theoretical pluralism in post-modern geography and interdisciplinary studies with psychology, cognitive science, and GIS.
This paper has three purposes. First, it outlines a history of behavioral geography and describes its revitalization in the 1990s. Second, the geographical studies on cognitive map and cognitive mapping, which has been the most important research theme in behavioral geography, are critically examined. Third, this paper pursues the future development of behavioral geography surveying the new ideas in recent psychology and examining the raison d'être of cognitive studies in human geography.
In discussion, this paper makes the following pleas. 1) Behavioral studies in geography should look hard at routinized non-awareness activities in our daily lives in societal and cultural context. 2) The focus of the study should be on ‘behavior in space’, not on‘spatial behavior’, 3) The study on ‘vista’ will bring fertile perspectives to behavioral geography. 4) Behavioral geographers should notice that human spatial knowledge has various aspects.

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Housing supply systems have a close relationship to the characteristics of residents, especially in the sub-market of public housing. This is because there are strict regulations for applicants for public housing, and local governments mainly select tenants in regard to their income conditions. Public housing is mainly supplied by local government in order to assist lower income households. Their construction is aided by the national government in order to resolve serious housing shortages and to perform a welfare service. Recently a serious problem has occurred in public housing. This is the aging of buildings and of residents.
In this study, the author tries to clarify the characteristics of residents in public housing. The characteristics of residents in public housing were analyzed by using the National Census. Is it true that housing policy gives rise to social segregation in the city? The study area is Osaka city because the ratio of public housing in Osaka city is the highest in any Japanese metropolis. And the city has large stock of public housing. Because Osaka city is famous as an early industrialized city, local government provided for a lot of migcrant people in order to resolve the lack of workers' houses. The results are summarized as follows;
The residents in public housing consisted of younger households in 1970. But in 1990, the compositions of residents' age and family size were completely different. Terrible aging occurred in some old public housing. The rates of elderly families and single or 2 person (almost all elderly couples) households increased in public housing in the inner built-up area. The same phenomenon has been observed in the cases of built-up areas of Hiroshima city and Koto ward in Tokyo. The causes of aging in public housing may be summarized as follows. Firstly, many residents in public housing were long stayers. When their children grew up, many of them moved out of their parents' homes because the public houses were too small to live together in. Therefore only the aged parents were left behind, since public housing is large enough for a couple or individual to live in, and is cheap to rent.
Secondly, for welfare purposes, the Public Housing Act gives priority to lower income households. In accordance with the Act, the public housing department offers accommodation to lower income households, which contain younger households, elderly and handicapped people. Consequently serious and rapid aging occurred in some public housing. Thus the Public Housing Act induced the aging of residents. This mechanism is called “the housing trap”. An extraordinary aging of residents appeared in some public housing. In the near future, aging in public housing will become more serious because there are a lot of upper-middle aged people. One solution is the reconstruction of old public housing stock, since there is some evidence that there are many younger households in reconstructed public housing in inner city.

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