Today, there exist two types of the Nihonsouzu (General maps of Japan) of the early Edo era which seem to have been compiled by the Edo Shogunate. For certain reasons, we refer to the kind stored at the Hasuike Library of the Saga Prefectural Library as Type A, and that at the National Diet Library as Type B. The latter has been well known from comparatively early times and explained over years as the general map of Japan being descended from the“Keicho Nihonzu”, which was originally drawn on the basis of the Keicho Kuniezu.
This author has previously insisted that the above mentioned, commonly accepted theory should be revised, and that this map ought to be called“Kanei Nihonzu”based on the fact that province figures of the Type B Nihonzu do not always coincide with those of several Keicho Kuniezu when compared. Furthermore, it has exceptionally detailed land name descriptions for the Shimabara Peninsula in Kyushu, and therefore it could have been produced after the Revolt of Shimabara. Though the author's view is generally accepted, there are some opposing views preventing it from reaching complete recognition. As to the other Type A Nihonzu, nothing decisive is known about its establishment, but the author assumes that Type A is older than Type B based on their figures and content. However some say that Type A is newer than Type B because it is superior in the forms of both the Tsugaru and Shimokita Peninsulas embracing Mutsu Bay located at the northern end of Japan.
Feeling responsible for having caused controversies over the Nihonsozu of the early Edo era, the author made a special presentation at the 1993 conference to clarify this problem, but failed to write any paper about it. However, later on, three other pieces of information related to the present problem were discovered; 1) another Type B Nihonzu, only one of which had been known to exist until then, was found to exist in the Ikedake Library at the Okayama University Annex Library and to have a list of Kokudaka (amounts of crop yield) in each province which were omitted in the map at the National Diet Library. Also the lord names shown with tags pasted on the castle locations were different from those on the map at the National Diet Library; 2) several maps of entire Kyushu which have exactly the same figures as the Kyushu part of Type A Nihonzu were found to exist; and 3) as the overall Kuniezu which had been offered by local patrolmen to the Shogunate in 1633 was confirmed to exist, it became necessary to compare it with the figures of both Type A and B Nihonzu. Under these circumstances, the author would like to clarify these considerations on the Nihonsozu of the early Edo era, while reporting the results of the studies carried out subsequently.
When the Kokudaka of various provinces on Type A and B are compared for each province, a difference between the two types is found in 15 out of 68 provinces nationwide. The overall tendency is that the Kokudaka indicated in Type B are larger than those in Type A. While the Kokudaka on Type A are exactly the same as those cited on the Keicho Kuniezu for both the existing Suo and Nagato provinces, there is a slight difference between the two for provinces like Hizen, Chikuzen, and Settsu. So far as this comparison goes, it comes to light that Type A is older than Type B.
While such places as Morioka in Mutsu and Shingu in Kii are illustrated as castle towns in both Type A and B Nihonzu, Marugame in Sanuki is not. The castles in Morioka and Shingu were built in 1633, whereas Marugame castle, which had been deserted, was reconstructed by Ieharu Yamazaki in 1641. Judging from this, it can be assumed that both Type A and B maps were drawn between 1633∼1641.

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In the modern city, immigrants organize various social groups. The common-villagers' association (dokyo-dantai) is one of them. Some studies show that many such associations were organized for mutual support in the common-villagers' concentration area that formed in the process of their chain migration. Those studies have focused on the prewar city. But many of common-villagers' associations were organized in the high-growth period in the 1950s to 1970s. This paper presents a case of the Kagoshimaken-Eishikai, which consisted of emigrants of the Eishi settlement of Kamikoshiki Village, Kagoshima Prefecture, and which was established in Amagasaki City, Hyogo Prefecture, in 1967. The following summarizes the main findings.
i) Through chain migration, Eishi emigrants concentrated in a particular area and in particular companies in Amagasaki City. However, due to intra-urban residential mobility and job changes there was a gradual tendency towards dispersal. ii) Many of them were (are) factory workers, and some of them worked on a two- or three-shift basis. Working hours were longer than now, especially in the high-growth period. In general, they were busy. iii) In Japan, the rate of private telephone ownersip was low before the 1970s. This was also true with these migrants. iv) Thus, the relationship among them in the period was somhwhat distant. They couldn't meet neighborhood friends frequently in their everyday lives. However, they wanted to reconstruct “intimate secondary relationships” and so class reunions were often held before the establishment of the Eishikai. But it was difficult for them to organize the common-villagers' association by themselves, because they didn't have the means to manage an association composed of hundreds of households. v) In 1963, an Amagasaki city council member, who was an immigrant of the same Koshiki-Shima islands, was elected. He wanted Eishi emigrants to support him in the next 1967 election, and so he helped them to organize the Eishikai. But the Eishikai didn't become an integrated supporters' organization, because some of the Eishi emigrants held alternative political view.

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Industrial restructuring in the changing global economy has brought about the uneven regional development. The restructuring processes include macro economic change in the national and international economy, the changes among industrial sectors, and the intervention of national and regional policy. High performance of the Japanese manufacturing industries is an interesting theme for not only domestic scholars, but also foreign researchers. The effects of industrial policy in Japan have been discussed. The relation between industrial policy and regional policy has not been systematic, but contradictory.
The spatial structure of Japanese manufacturing industry reflects the industrial systems and policies. Since the first oil crisis, several industries, especially labor-intensive or basic materials ones, were depressed by industrial crisis, and the reorganization of production and corporate structures had been executed, sometimes, guided by the industrial adjustment policy. At the same time, regional policies for depressed areas were planned for the unemployed, the affected subcontractors, and local government. But, it has been very difficult to change the rationalization plans of large corporations, and to regenerate local economies. The multi-locational firms decided to cut over-capacity and concentrate on more efficient plants, although they introduced new products lines for utilizing redundant labor and facilities in some cases.
Japanese multinational corporations have accelerated their foreign direct investment, facing revaluation of the yen and trade conflicts, and they have concentrated on the international networks of production and market functions. Domestic manufacturing production is polarized between the bases of international operations such as R&D and high value-added products, and the contracting of employment and plants for standard products. Local industrial policy is necessary for the regeneration of industries, keeping flexibility adaptable to global dynamism and the sustainability of communities.

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The two remarkable tendencies have been observed in Japan's recent elections: the continuous rise in the abstention rate at successive elections and the increase of mutohaso (voters who have no particular partisanship). Although many previous studies have devoted attention to voting behavior, the rising abstention rate has been investigated only partially. Additionally, research focused on voting turnout rate have to date tended to slight underlying factors except those affecting the nation as a whole.
Nowadays, however, the electorate's distrust of the political system rather than particular parties and statesmen is increasing, and the abstention rate, regardless of whether it is a national or local election, is also rising steadily. This reflects distrust of the political system itself at the local level as well as at the national level. Thus, this rise of abstention rate should be investigated from a more comprehensive framework rather than maintain a bias towards the national level. Therefore, this research note examines the relationship between local elections and the 1996 general election of the House of the Representatives in the southern Kanto region of Japan (Saitama, Chiba, Tokyo and Kanagawa), using the path analysis associated with J. Agnew's concept of context.
The abstention rate of both the local and national elections are influenced by the socio-economic characteristics of municipalities located in the region under analysis. However, the high correlation observed between the general election and the two local elections (on municipal and the other prefectural) immediately before it cannot be explained by socio-economic characteristics dlone. This is because the abstention rate at these local elections affected the national election. It is very likely that apathy toward local elections, which had been shared by electors in the context of increasing distrust toward politics in general, caused the result of the higher abstention of the general election through his/her‘path’and‘sense of place’in the terminology of Agnew.
Hence, keeping in mind that factors at both the scale of municipalities and prefectures had been an important‘context’for the high abstention of the national election, I applied a causal model which incorporated the impact of the local elections on the national election immediately after them. The results, show a significant causality. It can thus be concluded that Agnew's perspective which enables us to integrate factors working at a few different spatial levels within a single framework is effective for considering phenomena concerned with recent distrust of politics.

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